Posts Tagged ‘Incentives’
The Volcker Rule: Obama’s Right…
…To Propose a Ban on Prop Trading at Insured Institutions
We applaud President Obama’s proposal to eliminate proprietary trading at insured institutions. In fact, long-time readers will recall that we first recommended a ban on this site on October 1, 2008 – near the height of the financial panic.
Our reasons are simple.
One can argue about the need for federal deposit insurance, but if such insurance exists, we see no reason that tax payers should subsidize risk-taking at insured institutions. If one wishes to benefit as a ward of the state, then with those benefits and subsidies come obligations and restrictions. That’s as much a moral and ethical argument as anything else, but there are compelling economic reasons, too.
Without restrictions the government’s guarantees exacerbate the quite serious moral hazard problems that already exist because the banks are limited-liability corporations. As it seems to currently stand, not only do bank shareholders not have to cover losses, but they get to retain some percentage stake in their firms despite bail-outs.1 Thus, banks shareholders have an even better call option than for most other corporate shareholders: all on the upside, none of the downside, and some or much of any future upside (after the downside).
As we have mentioned in the past, at the margin, there’s not much difference between certain types of customer trades, prop trades, or asset/liability management trades/tactics. So, all things equal, we’d expect that if firms want to maintain a high risk profile, a ban on prop trading would lead to higher risk characteristics in both their customer trading books and their bank asset-liability management/treasury functions (than currently reported).
In that vein, we prefer bank regulators to have a narrower focus on better-understood, more-standardized products than be forced to oversee the additional prop trading books, where it seems that (1) more innovation occurs and (2) rules are more difficult to interpret, which usually leads to (3) even more rules, interpretations, and uncertainty. In other words, all things equal, make the bank regulators’ jobs as easy and as well-understood as possible.
In addition, there seems to be no shortage of wealthy firms and individuals willing to invest in unregulated trading operations, i.e., hedge funds et. al. So, we see any such limitations on banks as boon to (most) hedge funds and traders – unless those funds are “picking-off” the banks.
We suspect most traders would be happier (and better-compensated) at unregulated firms; so, what’s not to like? [2.Alternatively, if we’re wrong on that count, customer-trading might become more competitive, which would be beneficial to bank customers. Also, such a ban doesn’t eliminate exposure to prop trading because many large banks provide prime brokerage services to hedge funds, etc. So, those banks would still be exposed to risks associated with the prop trading industry, i.e., they would still face credit risk that is a function of market-risk and can be very difficult to measure, but in some way those risks seem to be once-removed and different tools are available to mitigate them.]
We suspect that some commentators and analysts will complain that the proposal is government intrusion into markets and “free enterprise.” At best, such complaints are very silly. Banning prop trading at insured institutions isn’t intrusive. Deposit insurance (and other guarantees) intrude into markets. As we mentioned above, one can debate the efficacy of such programs, but if the government is offering insurance, it has every right to demand that its customers behave in particular ways. If the customers don’t want the restrictions then they need not buy the insurance. While our current system is far from free enterprise, there’s no reason it should be about “free” losses.
No wonder banks stocks declined yesterday. If there is a chance that massive losses will no longer be subsidized, then the implicit option in common equity is – justifiably – worth less.
- We’ve written a few times about the possible return of partnerships as a solution to excessive risk-taking – well, not a solution as much as a mitigation. ↩
Inefficient Bonus Schemes
The Outrage Makes Them Larger
Recently, much has been written about “Wall Street” bonuses. Almost all of those articles mention the same two things: (1) populist and government sentiment against the bonuses, and (2) the composition of the bonuses towards long-term, restricted stock and away from cash. At least some of the drive towards a more stock-heavy composition seems to be management’s attempt to appease the government and the public. In this post, we argue that such moves are needlessly costly, which means inefficient and larger than need be.1
In a previous post, Government Whining and Bailout Fees, we discussed the outrage and mentioned that citizens have a right to be angry – at the government. In this post, we analyze the reported composition of many of bonuses. In particular, we think the insistence on long-term, restricted stock grants is inefficient for several reasons that we discuss below.
However, before continuing, it is worth re-mentioning that much of the controversy could be eliminated by eliminating proprietary trading at insured institutions. As we have repeatedly written, we have nothing against proprietary trading or traders, but see no reason why we or other tax-payers should subsidize trading losses. Note, too, that there are other good reasons to eliminate such activities at insured institutions, including the fact that they diverts managerial attention away from (boring and mundane) everyday activities of running commercial banks. We know that at the margin, there’s not much of a difference between a bank’s treasury (asset-liability) management and certain kinds of prop trading, but we’d prefer that regulators keep a narrower focus. Finally, to get, in a single edition of The Wall Street Journal, Thomas Frank, Jonathan Macey, and James B. Stewart to agree with us is mind-boggling. It indicates the abject perversity of the status quo.
Now, having said that, we hope that everyone receiving the much-discussed bonuses get maximum enjoyment and satisfaction from them. We certainly don’t blame anyone for trying to maximum his or her compensation in an attempt to maximize their satisfaction, their family’s satisfaction and well-being, and their contribution to the less fortunate. The problem is that there are likely cheaper ways to provide the same level of satisfaction and reward.
Aside: note that for the remainder of this post, we’ll use the word “expected,” as in “expected compensation,” in a very loose, non-mathematical way. That’s because we are rather pedantic and like to emphasize the difference between uncertainty and risk. Like others, we define risk as measurable uncertainty, and that means that risk is a special type of uncertainty or unknowing can be (appropriately) described as a probability distribution. Not all probability distributions have means or expected values, and that seems to be the case in financial markets. So, trying to calculate one’s expected bonus as a function of market performance might not be technically feasible if the distribution of returns is unknown or its moments don’t exist.2
So what’s wrong with bonuses in the form of long-term, restricted stock?
Well, they are long-term so they defer consumption, they are restricted so they’re are expensive to convert into consumption, and they in sotck so they are risky (uncertain) because they are only very weakly tied to an individual’s performance.
Delayed Gratification:
Are there good reasons for long-term compensation schemes? Yes, there are.
When employees take actions or make decisions that have long-term implications, then signals from multiple periods can be used to infer whether the employee behaved appropriately – back when the the decision was made.
Generally, the use of multiple signals improves the precision of the inference, and that means that less risk is imposed on the employee.3 For risk-averse employees, that means a lower risk premium is required to ensure his or her participation, which means a smaller expected bonus is required.4 So, the key to rewarding long-term performance is classifying current period results into the time periods when decisions were made so that one can make better inferences about the decisions made in a prior period. It’s not as easy as it sound, but it is possible to do.
So, yes, most traders that make long-term bets should be rewarded on long-term performance, and features like claw backs should be used, but in the specific way that we wrote about in Clawbacks: the Good, the Bad, and the Ugly and Incentives at UBS and in General.
However, requiring someone to wait five years to receive stock in a mega-corporation is not the same thing. That’s because:
- Five years is arbitrary, and may have little to do with the length of the employee’s investment decision. Moreover, it is a long-time to wait for a pay-off.
- If we’ve learned nothing else during the past few years, we have learned that, in general, share prices are very volatile, which means that employees who must wait five years for their reward must bear a substantial amount of risk.
- Other than possibly a few senior executives, no single employee has very much anticipated or expected influence on share price in five years. Ex post they may have, but not ex ante.
So, it seems reasonable to conclude that impatient, risk-averse employees would substantially discount the expected value of such stock grants.5 That means that all things equal, it means that if they can, employees will demand larger bonus grants to compensate for the delayed gratification and the risk.
Restrictive:
We imagine that the only people who prefer that bonuses be in the form of restricted stock are folks who aren’t getting them and the envious types: please see The Children who Have Eaten their Cake…
Usually, there are ways to borrow against such grants and/or hedge the value of such grants, but not all firms permit such actions. Moreover, they’re not cheap and they can be time-consuming.
That means that employees will bear costs of converting the awards to nearer-term consumption and, if possible, will demand larger bonuses to cover those costs.
Risky and Uninformative:
For some reason,many folks (and politicians) believe that when employees own shares, including restricted stock, incentives are somehow magically aligned – kind of like Lucky Charms.
However, except for possibly a small handful of very senior managers, that’s very silly. Consider that Bank of America has nearly 300,000 employees, CitiGroup has about the same, and even smaller firms like Goldman Sachs have more than 30,000. So, the effect of any single employee is usually very small. (Moreover, the predicted effect is usually very small. In fact, when it is large, it is often due to the firm’s franchise and reputation and not that particular person’s actions.)
Do note that attempting to link the effects of a particular action, decision, investment or trade to share price today or any point in the future is extremely difficult. (Maybe not in finance class, but it is in real life.)
Just as importantly, and as we mentioned above, even if it can be done (in expectation) the firm’s stock price is a particularly noisy measure of a particularly person’s performance. So, it’s quite possible to conclude that employees will ignore the implication of their decision of share prices, which is completely rational, and do what’s best for themselves. That very much reminds us of that quote of Huckleberry Finn that we always used when we taught: “Well, then, says I, what’s the use you learning to do right when it’s troublesome to do right and ain’t no trouble to do wrong, and the wages is just the same?”
For more on this general topic, we refer interested readers to our essay in the Fallacies section of the web site: One Performance Measure to Rule Them All.
For more on this topic as it pertains to trading, we encourage visitors to read the last half of the above-mentioned, The Children who Have Eaten their Cake…
In sum, we argue that (1) the long-term nature that delays consumption, (2) the restricted nature that is costly to bypass, and (3) risky nature further reduces the value (think in terms of expected utility or certainty equivalent) make such bonuses worth substantially less than their face value. If employees have any bargaining or negotiating power, firms will have to increase the stated value of the bonuses to satisfy them.
Those extra costs would be worth bearing if they aligned incentives, but unless you, dear reader, believes in magic, there is no reason to believe that any future actions by those employees will be coöperative in nature.
So, it seems that long-term, restricted stock awards are inefficient ways to motivate employees.
We’ll likely proofread this post and edit it in the near future.
P.S. Our New Year’s resolution is to write more about financial matters, the industry and the crisis than we did during last half of 2009. Last fall’s drought occurred for a variety of good reasons, but two related ones are worth mentioning: (1) while many of our posts tend to be long, we hate being repetitive, and in our mind there was little new to say, and (2) with little new to say, we found many of the events and proceeding to be quite boring. For writing blog posts, “boring” means too many references to old material – like above – but we’ll try to write more in 2010.
Copyright © 2010 Spero Consulting
Footnotes:
- More precisely, “inefficient” means either: (1) with a different compensation mix, the same “expected” pay levels could provide employees with a greater level of expected satisfaction or (2) employees could receive the same level of expected satisfaction with a different, cheaper mix. We focus on the latter, here. ↩
- We’ve written a lot about it in the past few years. ↩
- A formal analysis can show that there are other cases where, for example, results are perfectly serially-correlated when nothing is learned by observing a sequence of cash flows or returns. The first return tells it all. ↩
- We’re making lots of implicit assumptions, here. ↩
- We’re not using “impatient” pejoratively. ↩
Incentives and the Financial Crisis
There’s an excellent opinion column in yesterday’s (May 28) edition of The Wall Street Journal. It is Crazy Compensation and the Crisis by Alan S. Blinder.
Why do we write that it is “excellent” the dear reader may ask?
Well, for the obvious (and self-serving) reason that we have been writing the same critiques on these pages for much of the past year or so.
Mr. Blinder identifies several problems that created the potential for the crisis and its subsequent realization.1 We will categorize the problems that he identifies as:
- Wrong legal form/organization structure for some firms,
- Incompetent boards, and
- Lax controls and poorly-designed incentives.
He treats them in a different order than we list them; we’re going from top-to-bottom, which is consistent with Our Control Framework. Clearly, the three categories are related. For example, see our popular post, SOX’s Roles in the Financial Crisis of ‘08, which hits on all three topics, and criticizes government regulation to boot. In our mind, they all provide evidence of the fallen nature of man. (We’re not complaining about that nature. We accept it in ourself and, to a lesser extent, in others. We’re only trying to profit from it.)
Wrong Legal Form/Organization Structure
We wrote about this on September 26, 2008, when we asked Will Investment Banks Go the Way of the Dinosaur? In that post we speculated that partnerships may make a comeback because “They provide control mechanisms and levels of oversight and scrutiny that seem difficult to duplicate in public corporations.”
Mr. Blinder made explicit what was implicit in our post: the difference between one’s level of risk-taking when managing OPM (Other People’s Money) versus what he refers to as MOM (My Own Money), or one’s own money.2 Those facing unlimited personal losses tend to be more conservative than those with limited losses.
In January, in a critique of The Wall Street Journal’s editorial board, What Did They Expect?, we wrote, “We also disagree with their [the editorial board’s] assessment that “compensation levels are a business judgment made under the pressure of competition.” That might be true if the firms were partnerships or otherwise privately-owned, there was no agency costs, and there was no self-dealing, i.e., the firms were run by independent and knowledgeable boards.”
But with D & O (directors’ and officers’) insurance, the limited downside of losses severely decompresses that so-called “pressure of competition” for boards. Moreover, shareholders of bank holding companies (and other corporations, too) implicitly permitted managers to take greater risks. In fact, Mr. Blinder seems unwilling to blame shareholders when almost every stockholder was quite capable of selling their stakes. So, we have no sympathy for folks who wanted the opportunity for large gains without bearing potential liabilities if the firm.3
Incompetent Boards
While “Incompetent Boards,” may seem a bit harsh to some, we think that it is milder than many alternative and equally fair characterizations, and there is no shortage of evidence. See Directors Are Faulted at Home Loan Banks for example.
Regular readers will note that we often ask whether a party is ignorant or cynical, and in this case we’d prefer to believe that many directors were unqualified to understand the uncertainties and risks associated with investing and trading, particularly with derivatives and other structured products. In some way, that seems more “decent” and ethical than the alternative: the cynical and devious behavior of understanding the potential for loss but ignoring it due to one’s own limited liability.4
For example, with the recent changes in the composition its board, Citicorp has as much as admitted the lack of requisite expertise of its past board. We’ve written about these topics in the past, particularly in: The Failure of Boards to Direct, The Seventy-Year-Old Teenager, When the Going Gets Tough…Quit, and Idiosyncratic and Concentration Risk, Again. (Update: within hours of publishing this post, B of A announced that one of its directors was resigning: see BofA Says Sloan Quits Board Seat. There was much speculation that it was due to government pressure.)
Those (generally weak and) incompetent boards permitted senior managers to maintain the lax controls and poorly-designed incentives about which we have often written, and here is a summary.
Lax Controls and Poorly-designed Incentives
As Mr. Blinder notes, poorly-designed incentives – primarily via compensation schemes – led to ex post “excessive” risk-taking. We write ex post as in 20 – 20 hindsight as in “there are massive losses, so someone must have done something wrong,” but, in fact, we’re note using that logic. Instead, we note that there was no shortage of individuals warning about the risk and uncertainties ex ante.
Unfortunately, many such folks were dismissed either figuratively or literally by senior managements. (It’s analogous to the SEC’s treatment of Harry Markopolos. See Cassandra, the SEC and Mr. Madoff.) Moreover, it is consistent with the perspective that risk managers generate no revenue and are costs to be minimized (and often voices to be ignored).
So, yes, traders (and their managers) took gambles because they bore (or thought they bore) limited downside risk but instead focused on the potential for substantial (enormous) compensation rewards, but lax controls and ignorance are bigger issues than just poorly-designed compensation schemes because said traders were allowed to take those gambles with OPM.
That lack of control has many facets, but can be summarized in terms of as greed, ignorance, and insecurity. Notice that, of course, those emotions/human conditions are always present, but precisely the job of senior managers (and boards and owners) to design schemes and mechanisms that take those as given and mitigate them – rather than exacerbate them – while the organization attempts to achieve its objective. (We’ll have more to say about that below.)
Ignorance, and its relative, insecurity, were crucial to the control failures. Few folks are willing to admit that something is immeasurable or nearly impossible to quantify because that can be turned-around and used against them as a personal short-coming:, e.g., “that’s just because he doesn’t know enough.” So, personal insecurity and incentives often induce employees to “take the easy way out” and endorse or embrace a simplistic and inapplicable valuation or risk model.
For example, in early November, we wrote The Understatement of the Year! in response to an article in The Wall Street Journal entitled, Behind AIG’s Fall, Risk Models Failed to Pass Real-World Test. While the entire post is relevant to this discussion, we particularly like this extended excerpt:
The problem, dear reader, is that few senior managers (and almost no board members) understand the valuation and risk models used for securitizations, and many of the traders, consultants, and analysts who wield such tools often suffer from, what one may call, “framing” issues; we don’t mean that aspect of home construction despite its recent relevance.
We mean that if one’s only tool is a hammer, then lots of things look like nails. The metaphoric hammer may be an intangible Visual Basic or “C” programming algorithm, but the point remains the same; it’s just harder for senior management to see what one is pounding in their cubicle, office, or trading-floor seat.
To be sure, if anyone within most of the larger firms would have complained of the systematic risk — and how everything could go bad all at once — and the inapplicability of the standard models, which generally don’t permit such events, then that person most certainly would have been told that they don’t know what they’re talking about. Possibly, that they are unsophisticated or too negative.
Earlier this week in Uncertainty: In God We Trust, we noted “Too many senior managers neglected their responsibilities and permitted the substitution of calculations for thoughts.” That as been a pet peeve of ours for quite some time and is the antithesis of our motto: thought before calculation. See The Difference Between Risk and Uncertainty for a relatively short exposition of the issues.
Those dysfunctional behaviors were not necessarily malicious or anti-social by intent, but does that matter, especially since thoughtful design of control mechanisms could have inhibited them? See Principles Lost and More, in which we contrast Saint Thomas More’s actions in the 16th century with the more recent actions of many less holy individuals prior to and during the Financial Crisis; there’s a reason he’s a Saint and we’re not.
We’ve written much, much more on this topic, but as we noted in The Problem of Induction, we’re not underestimating the difficulty of the problems faced by traders, structurers, and risk managers. In fact, if anything, we’re overly conservative by stating that not all uncertainties and losses can be quantified and the problems are much more difficult than some suppose and/or communicate.
What To Do?
Unfortunately, Mr. Blinder notices that there has been little-to-no structural change in corporate governance. He attributes the differences in markets – the illiquidity or lack of trading – to fear, rather than to newly designed or revised controls, and that seems about right to us. As we noted last month in Learning the Difference Between Risk and Uncertainty, or not, job descriptions and hiring requirements for many trading and risk management positions don’t seem to have changed; so, it doesn’t seem the firms have “re-engineered” or redesigned their operations or controls.
In October, we wrote a tongue-in-cheek post about The Role for Survivalists and Depressives in Uncertainty Management, but in all seriousness, hiring such personalities and listening to them is one way to compensate for flawed risk models.
To be fair, we have read about a few firms, like UBS, that have changed their compensation schemes to include features like clawbacks. See Clawbacks: the Good, the Bad, and the Ugly and Incentives at UBS and in General. However, it is not clear whether such changes have been thoughtfully managed. As we mentioned in Business Schools, Incentives, Uncertainty, and the Financial Crisis, it seems that little has been done because: (1) such incentive problems are very challenging to solve, and (2) universities don’t do a particularly good job of training business students to solve them. (Of course, for the right fee, we would be glad to help.)
So what to do?
Mr. Blinder calls for change, but doesn’t exactly explain how or what.
We’ve made several recommendations in past, including this post from early October: Eliminate Proprietary Trading at Insured Institutions. Everything in it – and there’s a lot – holds up well, and we’ve not heard a compelling argument against such a ban. As we wrote back then:
We’re completely for the free-market—more so than most bank managers — but until such institutions forsake their government insurance, we’ll insist that they have an obligation to the citizenry — through the government — to behave in a responsible, low risk manner. If that generates lower returns for them on average, then so be it. That’s the nature of the risk-return spectrum and their legal and fiduciary responsibilities…
We think that such a ban is feasible and would substantially mitigate many of the risks that those banks by eliminating the (socially) undesirable behavior.
Now, that (maximum) risk-seeking behavior is not universally undesirable, but it is within subsidized institutions. We’re all for permitting “prop” structurers and traders to operate in unregulated partnerships and hedge funds, and wish such organizations the best of luck.
P.S. Although this post is rife with links, we’ve written much, much more about the topics of risk management, incentives, and the crisis. Feel free to peruse the archives, and let us know if we’re wrong about anything – other than a few predictions.
P.P.S. As posted, this is rather long, and we’ll likely revise it in the near future as we discover typos, etc.
- Note that with a bit of extremely good luck, the crisis could have been delayed or mitigated if not altogether avoided. ↩
- We wrote possibly our briefest post ever last June on a similar topic: Fools and O.P.M. ↩
- Non-executive, employee-owners with restricted stock are exceptions, and should be treated separately and more sympathetically. ↩
- See Luke 12:41 — 48 for the Parable of the Faithful Servant, which we reference in Which Is More Egregious? Jesus distinguishes between the deviously cynical and the ignorant, too. ↩
Business Schools, Incentives, Uncertainty, and the Financial Crisis
What Should It Mean to Earn a Master’s Degree?
We don’t answer that question here, but shouldn’t one be required to master something?
It Was a Matter of Time
Since early October, we’ve wondered when we’d see the first editorial criticizing MBAs and business schools for their role in the ongoing financial crisis.1 In our mind, much of the blame should be shared between business types, i.e., MBAs, and so-called “quants,” with the majority of the blame placed on senior managers who permitted lax controls and misaligned incentives to exist.
We didn’t write about it when the thought originally occurred to us nor during the intervening six months-or-so, but we’ve been tempted to write on any number of occasions.
Two events occurred last week that motivated us to write today. First, our excellent, former TA, Bridget Ardoyno, wrote to us that she has been blogging at http://econmom.blogspot.com, and that reminded us of teaching MBAs (but in a good way).
The Main Shortcoming
The other event was the appearance of an excellent opinion column, How Business Schools Have Failed Business, in last Friday’s edition of The Wall Street Journal. The column, by Michael Jacobs, lists three main failings of business schools with respect to the teaching and the crisis, but in fact, his three are all examples of the lack of the quality instruction regarding control and incentives.2 Basically, incentive issues are a type of control problem that arise in decentralized organization, where subordinates are permitted a degree of autonomy to act as they see fit.
The Root Causes
There is much to like about Mr. Jacobs’s criticism of business schools. However, while we realize that editorial space is limited, he ignores the two main causes of the problems that he identifies: (1) poorly-prepared students, and (2) an over-emphasis on entertainment and teaching ratings that motivates instructors to offer simplistic lessons at the expense of substantive learning. The first is related to the pathetic undergraduate educations most folks receive and the second is, well, an example of an incentive problem. (We’ll get back to both of these below.)
Incentive Problems Are Easy to Identify, but Difficult to Solve
Incentives problems are as natural and as old as recorded history: everybody wants what they want. In the Old Testament, were Adam and Eve anything if not incentive problems? Cain? We could go, but there’s no reason. All of the individuals were free to act in a decentralized setting, and failed to live up to their responsibilities.
In the New Testament, Jesus discusses incentive problems on any number of occasions. Two of our favorites: (1) the parable of the faithful and unfaithful servants (Luke 12:41 — 48) and (2) the parable of the good shepherd, (John 10:11 — 13). All consider the fallen nature of man and his (completely natural) selfish behavior.
That being said, there is not a more complex topic to address in business schools – or any type of school, for that matter – than incentives. That’s because the topic involves social (or multi-party) situations where one needs to be able to predict how another party will respond autonomously and freely to control mechanisms like compensation schemes.
Many of our readers already know that decisions can be categorized as games against nature – single-person decision-theory – and games against others, i.e., game theory. Generally – though not precisely – one can think of the investigations in the natural sciences as examples of single-person decisions and investigations in the social sciences as examples of multi-person decisions, e.g., how does one respond to a survey so how should the researcher interpret that response?
Incentive or agency problems – and information economics problems in general – can often be modeled mathematically using game theory or similar methods. In many of these problems of interest to business students, one decision-maker – say, the superior or principal – is attempting to maximize his own expected satisfaction or profits while ensuring that (1) the other person – the subordinate or agent – is willing to participate with him (in the social setting like a firm or organization) and (2) with full knowledge that the subordinate or agent will do what’s best for himself.
Those two conditions – participation and incentive-compatibility – constrain the principal’s ability to maximize his own expected satisfaction, and the latter problem is especially vexing to solve because it means that one of principal’s constraints is the other person’s optimization problem. How do you do what’s best for yourself while realizing that the other person is also behaving opportunistically (by doing what’s best for himself)?
Objectively modeling these issues as mathematical problems tends to require a rather high level of sophistication, and solving the resultant problem – or even knowing when a mathematical solution exists – requires an even greater understanding of advanced calculus, optimization, real analysis, and other mathetical theories and techniques.3
Very few MBA students are prepared to tackle those topics (and their applications) at that level of understanding.
Our Root Causes, Again
A larger set of students can handle simplified illustrations and examples of problems that tend to be more numerical in nature. Often, when taught in conjunction with a math software program, they can gain a keen understanding of the subtle issues that arise in the study of incentives, e.g., paying more for more output isn’t necessarily optimal nor incentive-compatible.4
Unfortunately, the root causes that we identified above – ignorance and selfishness/greed – make it difficult for most instructors to offer and successfully teach such a course to MBA students.
We’ll emphasize the students’ ignorance and not the instructors’; instead, we’ll focus on their selfishness.
Most MBA students are poorly prepared to think clearly, abstractly, and quantitatively, and that makes it a challenge to teach them either (1) quantitative subjects or (2) topics that can be effectively modeled, illustrated, or explained in a quantitative manner.
Incentive problems fall into the latter category. (What we’d call) simple mathematical or numerical models provide (by definition) abstract illustrations of particular phenomena and behaviors. They’re rarely solutions to real world problems.
Most MBA students are not sophisticated enough to handle that distinction; they want recipes, not thought processes, and recipes are easier to teach and grade. It’s not because the students are stupid, but it often is because they were poorly-trained as undergraduates and in require, core classes. Per Mr. Jacobs’s essay, there’s generally not much evidence of profs teaching compensation-related recipes in business schools because of the lack of relevant incentive-related courses. Thatt’s evidence of absence (of the courses), rather than an absence of evidence.
There’s much more evidence of that behavior in finance classes, where students want recipes for valuation. They’ll take abstract models, with either unrealistic assumptions or very, very specialized assumptions and unwittingly (and unknowingly) treat them as very practical and precise methods that calculate the one true value of the thing.
Unfortunately, they’re often encouraged to do so by their professors because it’s much easier to teach numerical – though irrelevant or mis-specified – recipes than it is to teach (and grade) thought processes.
In fact, that tendency to dumb-down teaching even extends to some faculty members’ research agendas. During our academic career, we attended any number of seminars where we heard the presenter justify his or her overly-simplistic and vacuous model by arguing that “we want to be able to explain it to MBA students.”
Imagine if medical research were conducted in the same manner? Or any serious field of inquiry for that matter?
From our perspective, it’s completely ass-backwards (and, in fact, its presence goes partially to explain why we’re in the private sector, today).
In an ideal words, the pedagogical emphasis would be on educating the students by attempting to pull-them-up to a level that they had not anticipated nor even known existed, and not presenting dumb-downed “research” papers for entertainment or pretense, but, hey, the latter alternative is easy, and one can generally garner higher teaching ratings by not challenging the students, especially if that perspective and technique is pervasive within the school. (We knew any number of faculty members at very expensive and seemingly prestigious institutions who would provide “sample” or “practice” exams before test dates – the actual exams would have slightly-changed numbers; who would schedule frequent guest speakers because “the students like it (and we don’t have to prepare);” and would show videos of factories or whatever once per week because, again, “the students like it (and we don’t have to prepare).” (Geez, it’s almost enough to make one cynical.)
Anyway, that combination of poor preparation of most students and the misaligned incentives of b-school professors make true learning about these thorny and difficult (social) problems, which all firms and organizations face, nearly impossible to achieve.
Why It’s Difficult to Teach about Incentives Issues
It’s not just the mathematical nature of the most compelling models of incentives that makes teaching difficult. It’s also because the problems are not particularly robust. By that we mean, illustrations and examples must be carefully (and empathetically) constructed, or they’re either (1) extremely stupid and un-insightful, or (2) extremely specialized, detailed, and so qualified (by assumptions) that they need a very high degree of mathematical understanding to comprehend and solve (and they end-up saying very little, anyway).
The fertile middle ground requires instructors and students to possess a rather high level of economic reasoning and strong math skills. We’ll avoid criticizing instructors, here, but unfortunately, many MBA programs have de-emphasized, eliminated, or consolidated microeconomics courses, and those courses are (or were) the best place to develop the requisite level of economic reasoning. In those courses and well-designed incentives courses, there is no substitute for a lot of hard work.
By the way, we unsuccessfully tried to establish just such a Control & Incentives course at our last academic employer, but there were no required econ courses and only a few very motivated, very curious, or previously-trained students would enroll in the elective. (Too much work!) As a public service, we’ll attempt to put that course material on-line in the near future.
But Difficulty Is Really No Excuse
It’s up to trustees and deans to ensure that schools and professors educate MBAs, rather than attempt to be “popular.” That’s true at both the individual level and the sum of the individual levels, i.e., the school level, where administration’s allow themselves to be subjected to the whims of Business Week writers and survey respondents. As a faculty member, we won our share of teaching awards while trying to do the right thing; so, there’s no sour grapes here, and we know that it can be done; however, we suspect that the short-term emphasis will not change. There’s too much inertia and very little confidence.
From our selfish perspective, it’s not as bad as it seems because that general failure to learn and teach presents many opportunities for consultants who understand both incentives and risk – people like ourselves. (We’ve written extensively about both issues, especially as they pertain to the current financial crisis. Please search the archives if you’re interested. Our Illustrations discuss many of these issues, too.)
Are you sure that your firm or organization isn’t about to do something stupid with incentive pay or clawbacks or whatever?
We’ll likely continue to revise and edit this post in the near future. (It’s long and there’s probably a few typos, but then TQM is rarely optimal.)
Copyright © 2009 Spero Consulting.
Footnotes:
- Admittedly, we haven’t searched very hard for evidence, but we knew we’d eventually see at least one. The only questions were: (1) when, and (2) would it be correct? ↩
- See our essay, Our Control Framework, for how we define these terms. ↩
- Nitpickers: we could have listed these and other fields any number of ways. ↩
- When we taught, we were very partial to Mathcad because of its WYSIWYG interface and because it wasn’t too much nor too little. It allowed motivated and curious students to solve rather challenging constrained optimization problems. ↩
Everyone Has Their Own Reasons
Does the Sum of Idiosyncratic Decisions Mean Anything?
There’s an article in the weekend edition of The Wall Street Journal, entitled, It’s a Done Deal: Merrill and BofA. It is subtitled, “At Thundering Herd’s Last Meeting, Thain Presides Over Sadness and Anger.”
In previous posts we’ve already commented on a variety of related topics, including our dislike of mega-mergers, which concentrate idiosyncratic decision-making and exacerbate moral hazard issues. (For merger-related issues, see: Forced Mergers? Bigger Is Not Necessarily Better!, Bigger Is Not Necessarily Better or Idiosyncratic and Concentration Risk, Again.) We don’t think that regulation or regulators provide much oversight or control.
Per the subtitle of the article, it seems that much of the anger was directed at the board (which does make sense since it was a board meeting) and we’ve commented about failed boards in other posts, too; see The Failure of Boards to Direct and When the Going Gets Tough…Quit for example.
So, in this post, we’re restricting our comments to a single, short paragraph from the article related more towards a human resource issue.
It seems that Winthrop Smith Jr., the son of one of the founding partners of Merrill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith spoke at the meeting. (In fact, he may have been both sad and angry.) As the reporters note, “Referring to the exodus of longtime executives at Merrill when Mr. O’Neal took over, Mr. Smith said, ‘shame on members of the board for never asking any of us who loved this firm’ why they were leaving.”
In our youth, we were part of a similar exodus; there were six junior colleagues, and five left the organization within months of each other. (The other one did, too, but at a later date.) As is always the case, an idiosyncratic or personal reason could be attributed to each person’s decision to leave: A left for family, B wanted to move to a warmer location, C didn’t like the office décor, etc., etc.
If the reasons were purely idiosyncratic, then the organization’s management would be blameless of poor employee relations. It is even possible that in hindsight, someone within the organization to try to take credit for getting ridding of the deadwood – whether justified or not. (Those things are very easy to take credit for in retrospect and when the people are gone: “they couldn’t cut it” or other such comments.)
If the organization were truly blameless, then the departures could neither been foreseen nor attributed to any central deficiency or weakness or dysfunctional personality within the organization.
However, a thoughtful, self-critical leader should be willing to ask: “we’re sure that everyone has their own reason(s), but what are the odds of such an exodus without a centralized or systematic component?” Per Mr. Smith, shouldn’t someone ask: “why are they all leaving?” One shouldn’t expect answers from exit interviews as folks who are leaving have little reason to give more than pleasantries at an exit interview, and those who do complain are often dismissed as “someone with an ax to grind” so their feedback is never seriously considered disseminated.
In all likelihood, the probability that there was/is no systematic component is quite small. We have no inside knowledge of whether the Merrill board investigated their exodus or not. If not, we certainly empathize with Mr. Smith as it would then seem to be a case of either benign or purposeful neglect.
Of course, the presence or absence of a systematic component doesn’t explain whether the exodus was justified or not (from management’s perspective). That is a separate issue which will depend upon whether the observed consequences were intended or not.
We talk about similar issues in a few of our essays – particularly, Common Managerial Mistakes in Decentralized Organization and the last part of Strategic Consistency and Managerial Discipline–and several posts, including Insidious Insecurity.
We’ll likely update the post when time permits.
Should Citi Be Nationalized as a Warning to Others?
Note: We’ll likely expand and edit this post in the morning, but wanted to circulate the idea before bedtime.
We’re rather diligent – but not obsessed– about keeping up with financial new.1 We’ve heard many financial firms announce lay-offs and have read how at a few, like Goldman, senior managers have decided to forgo bonuses.
As we recall, most banks have announced withdrawals from subprime mortgage origination and loans, which seems like a wise move, but given the magnitude of their errors and mistakes, we’re very surprised that we haven’t read more about banks taking dramatic and drastic actions to limit risks and exposures.
We don’t mean hoarding cash and the knee-jerk reactions not to lend. We’re thinking more about their investing, trading, and structuring operations.
Maybe the banks are eliminating desks and floors, but they just aren’t talking about it, or maybe they have mentioned it, but we’ve missed it.
We’d certainly encourage financial firms to change their ways. In fact, while we’re close to Libertarian on many economic issues, we wrote on October 11, to Eliminate Proprietary Trading at Insured Institutions as a way to mitigate moral hazard and protect tax-payer interests. (Once they’re insured, it is no longer a free market, and there should be quid pro quo, not just subsidization.)
On September 24, in our post Could a “Bailout” Prolong the Financial Crisis?, we wrote:
So, if the government’s purchase of these thingies is approved, we would expect to see a continuation of the panicky behavior until the securities are actually transferred to the government because it is unlikely that anyone will know who has the worse ones so (means that) all remain suspect. (Also note that the most panicky firms might be ones who are projecting their portfolios onto others, and so might be the ones that other firms would like to avoid.)
Now that the TA is out of TARP, it seems that this week’s equity market performance, particularly among financial firms, supports our September 24th prediction above, i.e., the continuation of panicky behavior until actual transfers occur. We discussed related issues on October 7, in Even A Perfect Bailout Will Fail.
Or maybe they’re just taking a wait-and-see approach. That’s what we predicted in early October when we described the very high probability of failure of TARP.
Today’s Wall Street Journal reports that Citi Weighs Its Options, Including Firm’s Sale, and we wonder if it will survive the weekend.
As we argued in Bigger Is Not Necessarily Better way back in September, we see no reason to encourage mega-mergers and we based that argument on both moral hazard and systematization of idiosyncratic risk considerations.
So, as we argued in around October 10, we believe that It’s Time! to nationalize the worst offenders leaving no shareholders, except non-executive employees, with any ownership interests. We reiterated much of the same argument in a very long post from Wednesday: OMG, Mr. Paulson Agreed with Us Twice in One Week! (Yeah, we have a teenager.)
It seems that given its size of around $2,000,000,000,000, we taxpayers will be on the hook for Citi, anyways, so why not eliminate the middleman and provide any upside benefit to the true residual claimants?
In two recent posts, The Failure of Boards to Direct and When the Going Gets Tough…Quit, we’ve criticized the composition of Citigroup’s board because of their general lack of financial industry experience. (We’re sorry, but that seems unconscionable to us.)
We won’t repeat all of our arguments for nationalization, but the expropriation of Citigroup would certainly motivate other banks to act quickly and largely to mitigate risks and stabilize cash flows. (It would likely stop insurance companies and others from buying small banks or S&Ls in their beggarly attempts to become bank holding companies.)
By the way, for new readers, we’re not just for the nationalization of a few banks, we actually have a private solution for the mortgage crisis that involves providing the right tax incentives – like investment tax credits – to individuals, firms, and fund managers. (Read about it here: A Better Solution (than a government takeover).)
That solution to the mortgage crisis stills leaves the larger liquidity or confidence crisis for banks. That has arisen because the mortgage crisis has informed us (and others) that despite their pseudo-sophistication and the veneer of objectivity and science (almost), there is a very good chance that they don’t understand their environment or have reliable ways to value many of their products – despite their massive investments and activities for those purposes. In terms of an adverse selection problem, they’ve reveal themselves to be low types. (See last week’s Global Warming and the Mortgage Crisis for a discussion on that topic.)
So, as a nation, we should want (and attempt to motivate) the banks to act quickly and decisively (and with their private information) to get their accounts in order.
The benefits of TARP don’t seem to have provided the correct motivation to the banking firms to act to maintain their own liquidity and capital positions. We’d argue that this is an incentive problem and that if the benefit of the TARP “carrots” have been insufficient motivate socially-optimal behavior. So, perhaps a “stick,” like the threat of expropriation, induce clean-up. Moreover, it is seems that Citi will be ours anyway, so, why not give it a try on taxpayers’ terms rather than taxpayers’ backs?
- “Not obsessed” means we haven’t performed a thorough web search. ↩
SOX’s Roles in the Financial Crisis of ’08
Did SOX Exacerbate the Crisis? and…
The Best is Yet to Come, Oh Yeah!
We don’t mean any baseball teams, we mean the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, which President Bush said at the time of its signing was “the most far-reaching reforms of American business practices since the time of Franklin D. Roosevelt.”
Here is a description from Wikipedia: “… in response to a number of major corporate and accounting scandals including those affecting Enron, Tyco International, Adelphia, Peregrine Systems and WorldCom. These scandals, which cost investors billions of dollars when the share prices of the affected companies collapsed, shook public confidence in the nation’s securities markets.” We’ve added the italics in the quote.
Well, another success for government regulation, don’t you think?
SOX seems to have been forgotten during the recent and ongoing panic. Eek! Eek! But, we think it will be back: when the indictments start coming. With a government bailout, someone is going to do time, and SOX will be the means by which they are convicted. On this topic we see no difference between the two Presidential candidates. They’ll like be equally vindicative; so, the future level of prosecutions should be about the same. (Our guess: you’ll hear both of them talk about it by late October, when the class envy and warfare is at its most pitched, and the two are at their most desperate.)
We do agree with President Bush’s excerpted statement, but it is doubtful that we share the same interpretation. He probably meant “far-reaching” in a good way.
SOX was and is still very far-reaching in both its high cost and waste of corporate resources. It was and is an auditor’s fondest and wildest dream: procedures and documentation to review and “test” that, as we see, provide no benefit to anyone other than said auditors and their cousins; the corporate bureaucrats, whose positions exist to validate SOX processes and controls.
Depending upon the level of cynicism and skepticism among investors, SOX may have also played a role in the on-going financial crisis. (In this case, the greater than skepticism, the smaller the harm.)
If investors are truly cynical or skeptical, then SOX likely played no role in the crisis because neither cynics nor skeptics would have put any weight on it in the first place. It is possible that we are projecting here; we’re more of the latter than the former.
So if cynics and skeptics set prices, then SOX is merely a huge, but deadweight, cost to society, and please remember, this is the best case scenario!
On the other hand, if investors were fooled into believing that estimated accounting values were more reliable and relevant because of SOX, then the law and its implementation have exacerbated the mess. Please remember that marks on illiquid assets are nothing if not estimated accounting values, which require a process to follow every month or quarter.
The problem is that following a documented process each time an estimate is made doesn’t make that estimate reliable or relevant (informative). It just makes it documentable.
For example, one could thoroughly document the process of examining chicken entrails to divine the future to any level or degree of specificity. (We’ll focus on relevancy here, but there may be no reliability, either. This can happen if the process uses, say, an unrelated, random variable in the valuation or estimation.)
For example, one could map the various characteristics of the entrails into the standard, corporate green-yellow-red warnings of a PowerPoint “Dashboard” slide to provide indicators of something or other for an uninformed board of directors or senior management. If the result of that color mapping is an important variable in important decisions, then it would be a SOX control. So, the divination process would need to be documented and validated. It is easy to do but quite boring.
Similar arbitrary (and no less disgusting) processes, could be used to value any particular asset. These estimates would then affect income calculations for the period, including unrealized gains and losses.
Again, none of this has anything to do with finding the “true” value, which as we often note is often an impossibility. Instead, SOX involves documenting the process/control that the organization has followed to arrive at the estimate. That’s almost always possible to do.
By the way, if the reader doesn’t like chicken entrails, he or she may select any quantitative model and his or her choice of a particular and arbitrary probability distribution. See our essay, Uncertainty Management, for our views on these and related topics.
So, we find SOX and its rules to be worthless at best and misleading at worst. In that way, we could see how it might have misled the unsophisticated to place more faith in audited income and asset reports than is warranted. We could imagine such folks asking, “What CEO or CFO would mislead the public given the implications of being discovered?” We could then see such investors concluding that the reported numbers were firmer and truer than without such laws. Clearly, that would have exacerbated the ongoing crisis by (1) rewarding firms for reporting higher income, (2) encouraging them to continue (to expand) and do more of the same, i.e., add to their seemingly-profitable and valuable investments and trades.
Did any investors actually believe that SOX permitted reported numbers to be more meaningful? Possibly, but it really doesn’t matter at this time. Because that doesn’t preclude the cynical ones from suing. More importantly it certainly does not prevent cynical federal officials from investigating and indicting and prosecuting executive officers who signed and certified what turn out to be very misleading financial reports.
Our free advice: senior executives at large, failed public firms should consider selling their art collections and vacation homes and remaining stock – if it has any value – and building a defense fund. Also, shop for and retain the best civil and criminal defense attorneys that you can afford.
As Frank Sinatra sang, “The Best is Yet to Come.” We forecast that unfortunately for these senior executives and unjustly – in most cases – given the impossibility of the estimation tasks, the next President, his Attorney General, and the Congress will seek “justice” or at least the hides of the wealthy and “corrupt” who “got us into this mess.”
Given the arbitrariness of the law, those executives will have a difficult time defending themselves, and may wish that they had paid more attention – both on the job and in probability and statistics class. They may also want to go long Mackerel.
Freddie Mac + Fannie Mae = Not Much Value
As regular readers know, our professional interests include incentives and understanding the implications of particular compensation schemes and performance measurement systems. Moreover, we like to think about these issues for market-related activities like trading and investing and risk management.
In this post, one day after the United States has basically (and almost formally) nationalized Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae, we begin by asking the dear reader a simple history question.
See, we need to ask the question because our dissertation and much of our doctoral training involved information economics, and our degree wasn’t granted until the mid-90’s. (Information economics involves multi-person problems related to hidden effort (moral hazard) or private information (adverse selection), which can arise in relationships like trading where there trader takes actions that can’t be observed or knows facts that he may be unwilling to share unless induced to do so.)
By the time our doctoral studies, economic history had not been a required course in most PhD programs for over 20 years. You see, everything was new and better; so, there was no reason to study any related thoughts that had been thought prior to, say, the mid-1800’s, especially if the analysis was non-mathematical in nature. (We sometimes denote sarcasm with italics.) Thus, while we attempt to read about the scholastic economists in our spare time, we are still a bit ignorant about such things as actual transactions and events that had occurred in the distant past – ergo, our question.
So we ask: consider the history of human social and economic interaction, which likely dates back at least 10,000 years. When during those ten millennia did man first learn that another might take “excessive risks” if the other’s upside was nearly unbounded and the downside was substantially limited – due to, say, a guarantee from a benign but very wealthy party or government? We figure it was right around the same moment when said risk-taker stated to a partner, “Let’s do it. What do we’ve got to lose?”
By the way, here are a couple of reliable working definitions of “excessive-risk-taking:” (1) “wouldn’t do with your own money what you’re willing to do the others’,” or (2) “others wouldn’t want you to do with their money if they knew what you knew.” (In our mind, miscalculating the odds if such calculations are indeed feasible is less about excessive risk-taking and more about incompetence.) So, the reader can think of excessive risk-taking as taking longer odds for a higher potential pay-off (to one’s self) than one’s investor(s) may prefer.
In that spirit, we ask a follow-up question. We know that one can take “excessive risks” and if the number of trials (e.g., gambles or trades or investments) is relatively small, one’s good fortune may carry one and his clients through to success.
However, we’re interested in the “long-run,” which despite its name may not take much time to play out.
Ignoring all of the knowledge and measurement issues involved in Uncertainty Management–as opposed to risk management – we ask: what is the long-run chance of survival if (1) the person is allowed to remove all or most of his share of short-term gains after each period, and (2) he suffers no adverse effects to that (separately-kept) bounty due to subsequent losses?
It is similar to a Gambler’s Ruin problem with moral hazard where the agent gets to select some combination of probabilities and short-term pay-offs. As we mentioned above, “excessive risk-taking” would imply that the agent goes for bigger pay-offs with smaller probabilities in hopes of getting rich quickly…at a cost of the long-term viability of the entity (due to the lower probability of long-term success and survival). Why would this happen? Perhaps he is less patient than his investors.
If the reader agrees with our model, then he or she is likely to also agree with our rhetorical question: how could Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae not end in a débâcle? Lax oversight and excessive risk-taking in a poorly understood, non-stationary environment. What’s not to like? Some of the participants didn’t think that it was a poorly understood environment, and that was part of the problem.
Notice also that it seems rare for market environments to seem more secure than one initially thought, which is why we like the subtitle of our Uncertainty Management essay: Why Trading Is Like Playing in a Culvert on a Hot, Sunny, Summer Day.
We’ll likely have more to say about these entities and our very rough ruin model in the coming weeks, but we must get on with other work. We do note in closing that regardless of the complexity of the environment, economic activity is about incentives. It always has been and, as long as man is self-centered and fallen by nature, it always will be. In that spirit, we note that almost 2,000 years ago, Jesus discussed both moral hazard and private information in the Parable of the Faithful Servant, i.e., the anti-social servant who should have known better and the other one who didn’t know better should be punished differently. Despite our ignorance of history, we doubt that he was the first to note these problems and punishments.
Fixing Self-Created Problems in Organizations
There is a very nice article in Monday’s (August 25) The Wall Street Journal, entitled “Münchhausen at Work” by Phred Dvorak. He describes situations where workers consciously create problems and then provide solutions in hopes of recognition and rewards. When creating the problem the employee attempts to be secretive, but sometimes cameras and colleagues get in the way. The employee then solves the problem in a visible way to make recognition and positive feedback easier to obtain.
Because the topic involves incentives, it is very close to our small, black heart. We like the column but have a few comments and observations about such topics as information hoarding and the endogenous nature of managerial control. That means the bad behavior might be a function of management’s decisions and policies.
Workers behave in a dysfunctional manner for several reasons. They might be evil, irrational, or may have been induced by control policies and incentive schemes. In this post, we focus on the last point: that firm may be unwittingly inducing them to misbehave.
Before continuing, however, we note that despite such behavior being possibly harmful and likely irritating, eliminating it might be suboptimal. Such behavior may be the byproduct of the very best way to manage the business — just like other types of waste are generated from every other useful process of which we know. That, my dear reader, is why the expression, “Don’t throw the baby out with the bath water,” was invented; it is impossible to eliminate all costs without eliminating all of the benefits, too. Sad, unfortunate, but undoubtedly true.
Thus, if one permits employees to work autonomously (because it has been determined to be the optimal organizational design), then, given that the workers are not actually angels on loan from heaven, they will likely waste something, including their own time. Again, such is the nature of all activity; it requires trade-offs; there is no free lunch — no sustainable arbitrage.1
Despite the above observation, which should always be a consideration, we would argue that these Münchhausen-like incidences are often the result of managerial mistakes and are likely the “unintended consequences” of poorly constructed policies and schemes. That means that someone didn’t spend enough time thinking before they selected or implemented management policies. (We’re including in these missteps cases where management purchased off-the-shelf and/or faddish solutions to challenging problems.)
Information hoarding:
Mr. Dvorak mentions “Watch out for information hoarding,” and we realize that like squirrels, some workers have the natural tendency to hoard. However, often workers hoard facts and information for strategic reasons. For example, in Pay Disparities we wrote the following:
This … begets a more general question related to private information and managerial control: as a superior, how do you treat the bearers of bad news? …Clearly, the treatment of subordinates sharing bad news is an issue of managerial discipline. Something (for you) to consider: if bad news is always a surprise, either the environment is extremely dynamic or your in-the-know subordinates are afraid of you.
In that case, they may hoard bad news until they have a solution to the underlying problem or in hopes that by good fortune, events will reverse themselves: very, very, very common in trading and investing. We discuss this further in the second half of our essay Strategic Consistency and Managerial Discipline. We also point readers to our post Insidious Insecurity, or how tenure is like plea-bargaining, which describes similar issues.
Again, in a decentralized environment, where private information exists, such hoarding is not necessarily dysfunctional. In our essay, Common Managerial Mistakes in Decentralized Organizations, we ask: does one seek information or wish to motivate? Generally, in real situations — as opposed to theoretical setting — when subordinates both possess private information and take hidden actions for the firm, one generally can’t have both the information and the preferred level of effort without paying a high price. Such a high price may not be wealth-maximizing. Therefore, it is often necessary to forsake one for the other, or a little of both, like how tenure provides information about potential recruits but creates possible effort issues and other information problems.
Teamwork:
Mr. Dvorak notes that experts state to “Stress teamwork over individual problem-solving.” We are not sure who these experts are, but we do know that such an emphasis may exacerbate the syndrome, particularly if an employee feels that his contribution to the team has not been properly recognized and feels under-appreciated.
We could easily imagine someone contriving to distinguish themselves from their co-workers because of his or her co-workers’ dysfunctional or unethical behavior. Thus, what is observed as Münchhausen-related may be symptomatic of other, more substantial underlying problems. For example, it may be evidence that the person’s co-workers are slackers and idea thieves. As Gandalf says, “Things are not always as they seem.”
The Importance of Reflection:
So, if neither the individual nor his or her colleagues are to blame, who is left? Who has induced such behavior? Customers? Highly doubtful.
If such behavior is the unanticipated consequence of control policies or incentive schemes, that leaves only the management and its advisers to blame.2
If that is the case, then we must ask: which is worst, the conscious creation of problems in a Münchhausen-like manner or the unconscious creation of (unintended) problems through poorly-designed (or negligently-adapted) strategies, tactics, controls, and policies? Moreover, if one observes the former, is it due to the latter?
Copyright © 2008 Spero Consulting.
Footnotes:
- However, we are not saying that improvements can never be made so that one must always accept the status quo. That would severely limit the demand for useful consultants. ↩
- Again, there may be no one to blame, and such behavior may be an artifact or by-product of wealth-maximizing policies. This is analogous to the wealth-maximizing level of security and protection services for a retailer. Some level of shoplifting is anticipated because the marginal cost of additional security — in terms of personnel, equipment, and lost sales associated with annoyed customers — is greater than lost value of stolen goods. ↩
Incentives at UBS and in General
Update: We have a newer post on the same general topic, Clawbacks: the Good, the Bad, and the Ugly, which we published on December 9, 2008. It discusses the proposed use of clawbacks at UBS and other firms.
As we mentioned in the previous post, The Wall Street Journal’s breakingviews.com column today discusses newly proposed performance measures at UBS: aptly titled “UBS Seeks New Incentives.” (It is at breakingviews.com, not wsj.com.)
We certainly disdain UBS’s current approach of rewarding performance with shares, but rather than restate our criticism of the (general) use of universal performance measures, we point the reader to our essay One Performance Measure to Rule Them All. Of course, those looking for a criticism of the converse, i.e., a multiplicity or overuse of performance measures will find that, too. That one is called If One is Bad, Then 400 Must be Good.
Today’s column of interest discusses something called “phantom equity.” We’re not sure how many jokes could be written to define that phrase, especially during the continuing financial crisis, but we have no desire to offend shareholders at most of the larger firms; so, we will skip it.
Anyway, phantom shares seem to be the product of some measurement of divisional earnings, with all the attendant accounting assumptions and allocations, multiplied by few other arbitrarily chosen numbers, including some type of earnings multiple that comes from who knows where. (We do like the attempt to equate three made-up divisional values to the overall market value. To us, it sounds like solving one equation with three unknowns. We can vaguely hear someone say, “I remember that Mrs. Pfeiffer said that we can’t solve one equation with two unknowns, but she never said anything about three unknowns; so, let’s keep trying. I don’t care if the answer keeps changing.”)
Under such an earnings-based scheme, it woud seem that once the parties — corporate and divisional management — agreed to those multipliers, divisional employees would be rewarded based upon divisional performance. Unless, each employee is performing an identical job so that his or her individual performance is nearly perfectly measured by his or her share of divisional income, the new scheme is essentially no different than the old, share-based one; so, we once again refer interested readers to our essay One Performance Measure to Rule Them All, which discusses both cases.
By disaggregating the divisions and switching from equity to earnings, the firm’s managers may possibly reduce the risk imposed upon certain employees — we can’t be sure of that unless we know the relationships (think correlations) between and among the different measures. In the process, however, they trade the possible reduction in risk for the increased capacity to behave subjectively: they, themselves, not their employees. Thus, while decreased risk may permit lower risk premia and thus reduce expected bonuses and increase expected profits, the increased subjectivity usually increases compensation costs and has demoralizing and demotivating effect on employees who become wary (or warier) of senior management.
This subjectivity may be obvious or not. It maybe in the form of the opportunistic use of cost allocation (for centralized and shares services and resources) to reduce a particular division’s income. Without the use of effective commitment mechanisms by management, that arbitrariness usually increases the level of distrust within the firm. (We recall mentioning something like that in a slightly different context in If One is Bad, Then 400 Must be Good.) Note that such schemes may also either directly or indirectly introduce a level of competition within the firm, but that is not always a bad thing. They will also likely make the firm more political, and that is rarely a good thing.
Thus, the use of phantom equity may leave the the firm in similar situation as the current scheme but with possible additional problems, too. A very rough analogy: think of a single global performance measure as a banquet food, say, chicken with some unknown white sauce on it. It probably doesn’t map to anyone’s taste buds. Adding a few more items may satisfy a few, but it can lead to more problems and higher coördination costs and possibly illness if that food is prepared incorrectly or sits too long. By comparison, a restaurant permits much closer mappings to tastes than banquets. (That is why few banquet halls operate as restaurants.) Restaurants may be more expensive, but customers usually think they are worth it, ergo utility is maximized. Think of us as a food critic.
So, what is the solution for UBS? The same as with any other firm. We follow an algorithm by asking: how does the person’s actions and decisions affect wealth creation? What signals are available of those actions and decisions? What are the characteristics of those signals? And, how should the signals be weighed to effectively evaluate performance? Remember that is done to motivate effort and not for its own sake.
At its core, our approach is statistical but considers qualitative factors, too. Saying any more would betray firm secrets, and needlessly destroy our human capital. However, given this brief description, we must add: what are the chances that shares or phantom equity would be the optimal choice for each semi-autonomous employee in each of the three divisions? Seems that it would be rather remarkable, doesn’t it?
Finally, let us note that this post skips over a whole host of related issues like asymmetric information and its fraternal twins moral hazard and adverse selection. These problems create the need for performance measures in the first place. Double finally, we can’t resist mentioning that we think incentive pay is quite overused and thus very costly to corporate America and its shareholders.
Risk Concentration, Concentrated Losses and Incentives
There is an excellent article in today’s The Wall Street Journal entitled, “Lessons of Financial Crisis” (sic).1
The article describes discussions at a recent conference featuring Nobel Prize winners in economics (and in peace, too). While we do like much about the article, we take issue with the way the problems were presented: almost as if there were three independent ones: excessive risk-taking, lax management, and impenetrable complexity. We see only two problems with the first one listed, excessive risk-taking, being a symptom or implication of lax management. (‘Lax’ seems to be a very kind adjective in this case.)
We do believe that many securities, instruments, and derivatives are impenetrably complex, and like other commentators, we argue that this is an epistemological issue and is due to the Problem of Induction, among other things.
Our own perspective is best explained in our essay: Uncertainty Management, Or, Ignoramus et ignorabimus, Or, How Trading is Like Playing in a Culvert on a Hot, Sunny, Summer Day. While we encourage all to read it, we summarize it as follows: there are things that we don’t understand and never will. That is not just a personal limitation; it is a human one. We can develop workable models that can help us in many tasks, but at best they cheaply approximate reality during a relevant range of time and activity. There are things that we can’t model, because we haven’t thought of them or have ignored them, and these things can disastrously affect us. With humility we can attempt to discover a few of them through of a variety of means, including scenario analysis and stresstesting. We can creatively attempt to find analogues, and with luck when defending against those harms, we may also immunize ourselves against others, too, which are hidden for the time being. (As we write this, it dawns on us that we are likely calling for some combination of the Hippocratic Oath and the AA’s twelve-step program for risk managers.)
Furthermore, we note that losses associated with environmental inscrutability — for lack of a better phrase — are compounded and amplified by hubris and cynicism and naiveté, which is a kinder, gentler term for ignorance. This should be especially evident when one hears an employee claim that “we have everything under control.” Really? How would one know? It is not a well-understood chemical process; instead it is human behavior. This is why we emphasize uncertainty rather than the narrower, measurable risk.2
Now those failings mentioned above — hubris, cynicism, and naiveté — can be mitigated through the effective design of control mechanisms. In decentralized environments the exhibition of such behavior can be influenced or mitigated via incentive schemes, including the careful choice of performance measures, but it seems that they rarely are. (Please see most of our other essays under the Illustrations or Fallacies tabs for more on these and related topics.) In fact, it seems that many schemes exacerbate rather than mitigate these failings, and that seems to be why certain professions have such poor reputations.
BUT, hubris, cynicism, and naiveté, like excessive risk-taking are not themselves problems. They are merely bothersome symptoms of a bigger problem, the second problem in the article: lax management.3
In some ways, lax management is fraught with the same symptoms and seems to be a recurse of the above leading up to the board and beyond, but it is worth breaking the cycle to make a point. It seems that personal pride (and insecurity) play larger roles at higher levels; so, ceteris paribus, such managers are less likely to reveal their lack of knowledge and thus seem more likely to be laxer than they otherwise would be. In that respect, we would much prefer: “You can’t do it because I don’t understand it” to “Great idea. I was about to propose that myself.”
There is much to write and consult and advise on these issues, and we’ll continue to write about them in the future. In fact, the breakingviews.com column immediately above the article discussed here mentions new incentives at UBS. We’ll likely have a post on that later today or over the weekend.
We do note that the recent concentration of losses in the financial industry is a negative implication of excessive risk-taking, i.e., keeping it amongst themselves (to get that little extra). New readers can catch-up here.
In closing, we also note that we’ll ignore the portion of the article that deals with an analogue of the FDA for new financial products. There are any number of ways to attack it. We’ll simply note that a hard science like chemistry is much better understood than any social science; thus, it may be possible to teach governmental bureaucrats the requisite chemical and biological facts and knowledge. Moreover, away from research frontiers, there is less room for capriciousness and arbitrariness in hard sciences. If the FDA works at all, that might be why.
Copyright © 2008 Spero Consulting.
Footnotes:
- It seems the newspaper is developing a disdain for our only definite article, and at least as their headlines are concerned, the editors would prefer to economize rather than make sense. ↩
- One might consider “Larry ‘Pinto’ Kroger’s claims at the end National Lampoon’s Animal House (the parade scene) to be the canonical example although we think Sgt. Schultz is often apropos, too. ↩
- We could tell you stories. ↩
Our Eternal Question: Cynical or Naïve?
Note: we frequently criticize poor model-building in our posts and plan to do so in our essays, too. Before we reiterate our criticisms we wish to be clear: we have nothing against mathematical or computer models per se. In fact, we like it when we are paid handsomely to build, critique, or validate models. It is just that there has been such a multitude of recent, public examples of their misuse and misinterpretation that we can’t resist commenting on these events as they are made public.
Speaking of which, there is another good book review in today’s WSJ: Money for Nothing by James R. Hagerty. In it, Mr. Hagerty, a writer for the paper, favorably reviews Confessions of a Subprime Lender by Richard Bitner.
Mr. Hagerty mentions a meeting in 2005 with Bear Stearns MBS traders and analysts in which he questioned their initiative to originate consumer mortgages. He mentions that the folks “dismissed my questions with ill-concealed contempt.” They had computer models that told them that house prices wouldn’t fall much and defaults would remain be low.
We can easily imagine that he was shown attitude. What puzzles us in this and many other examples is whether the over-reliance on models is cynical, as in “we have a complicated model (and an inarticulate quant) to blame if anything goes wrong,” or naïve and hubristic, as in “we have a model that captures reality under every conceivable outcome, and nothing can go wrong.” See the end of the following post, for another example where that didn’t quite happen: Trading, Incentives, Organizational Structure and Risk Management.
We conclude with another line from the review. “They had plenty of brainpower but fell short on common sense.” Nicely put Mr. Hagerty.
Insidious Insecurity
Or how tenure is like plea-bargaining
The exterminator visited world headquarters on Friday. He mentioned that in this part of the county, 90% of his business involved spraying structures to keep carpenter bees from boring and yellow jackets and other hornets from nesting and annoying.
After he sprayed, we spoke for a few minutes, and he asked about the nature of our business and our background. Given his degree in business and his ownership of the service, he seemed interested in what we had to say but maybe he was just being polite.
Regardless, during our conversation, he mentioned that to his dismay a close friend, who was much younger than either of us and who had achieved much early career success, would likely be forced to relocate to find a new job, and he was rueful of the loss of companionship.
He said the problem was his friend’s new boss. The new boss recognized the younger man’s superior competence and viewed it as a threat. As a consequence, the boss was attempting to smother him and drive him away.
We have to admit to ignorance of this problem early in our career. Possibly our bosses did not view us as a credible threat or possibly they had sufficient self-confidence to manage employees with better knowledge than they possessed.
We first became acutely aware of this phenomenon while teaching MBA classes — particularly, when we would discuss incentives. During class breaks, after class, and during office hours, the executive and professional (evening) MBAs would share their stories.
This type of managerial insecurity is insidious yet pervasive within many organizations. In fact, we have heard of cases where C-level officers will only hire first-level subordinates who are unqualified to replace them. Thank goodness those folks aren’t designing bridges or controlling anything combustible.
These types of stories remind us of the best explanation that we’ve heard for the justification of university tenure per H. Lorne Carmichael in the paper, “Incentives in Academia.” 1 Below is the story without the model. Read the rest of this entry »
- The Journal of Political Economy, June 1988, Volume 96, No. 3, pages 453 – 472. ↩
Risk Taking, Incentives, Losses and Their Implications
A few of implications first: Bear Stearns cut 2,000 jobs in the last year. Citigroup is reducing its work force by 9,000; Washington Mutual by 3,000; and Merrill Lynch by 4,000. How many of those folks deserve it?1
Last week, we had this rather lengthy post of about trading and incentives. Over the weekend, we were at a banquet where we encouraged one of our friends to read Nassim Nicholas Taleb’s books and Richard Bookstaber’s recent book. That lead us to discover this article from last September on Taleb’s web site: www.FooledByRandomness.com.
We like this sentence from the article: “People seem to pay rating agencies for psychological comfort, or, more deceptively, to justify a certain class of risk taking…,” and especially the latter justification.
It reminds us of a visit we had with a CDO manager in 2007. At the time, he claimed that his firm was “arbing the rating agencies.” Presumably, he meant that for what the firm did its (initial) return was outsized given the risks identified by the rating agencies. Unfortunately, his firm was the residual claimant responsible for covering (the eventual) losses.
As it turns out, the company has been in the news quite a bit during the past several months, and none of the reports has been positive. When we spoke, his firm’s share price was in the mid 60s. Within a year, it had lost 90% of its value. I guess arbitrage isn’t what it used to be.
Footnotes:
- Someday we will post our theory that consolidation creates an additional type of systematic risk — not particularly novel, but often ignored. ↩
Trading, Incentives, Organizational Structure and Risk Management
So Merrill Lynch has lost a lot of money in various trading and structuring activities. See the excellent article in Wednesday′s The Wall Street Journal (WSJ) for the details: “Merrill Upped Ante as Boom In Mortgage Bonds Fizzled.”
Collateralized debt obligations (CDOs) receive much attention in the article, especially ones backed by mortgage securities (MBS) and mortgages. Here is the visual of how CDOs are structured and marketed: (1) throw a bunch of instruments in a blender and chop until pureed; hopefully when the blades stops spinning, the mixture is somewhat uniform. (2) Let the mixture settle so that different layers or strata form. (3) Sell the different layers to investors with different tastes, preferably capturing the gains to trade. Now, if that makes sense, you should be able to come with analogies for things like systematic risk, i.e., someone drops the blender or throws something foul into the mixture.1
The article provides examples of many points that we like to make, and we mention several below.2
It is about incentives & organizational structure.
Maybe the publicly-traded corporate form isn′t the most efficient legal form for market-makers and large trading firms? Maybe trading managers and traders need larger personal and longer term stakes to motivate them to understand and manage risks?
If the current legal form remains the status quo, then it seems to us that control mechanisms, particular performance measures and compensation schemes must change. A simple place to start is to reward employees based upon average results in their portfolios across periods of time — even if the employee leaves in the interim. We will expand upon this idea in later posts, but the point is to induce subordinates to think beyond the end of the next bonus period while at the same time reducing the risk imposed upon them. Of course, implementing such a policy requires discipline and commitment by senior management, and that takes us back to our first rhetorical question above.
Diversification benefits?
We are not saying that diversification benefits do not exist, and we understand how CDOs might diversify the risks of, say, mortgage-backed securities, but that would only be with certain types of uncertainty. See below for how it can fall apart.
We have a harder time understanding how CDOs of CDOs (CDO²) create value given the economy’s systematic risk, but that isn’t exactly our point. We see how modeling CDO²s similarly to CDOs would show diversification benefits, but that doesn′t mean the benefits are real. Those benefits could simply be an artifact of the modeling technique or joint-distribution assumptions. (By the way, diversification benefits smooth aggregate cash flows in different outcomes or states, and that leads to fewer outcomes with shortfalls and CDO bond defaults; so, they would appear less risky despite the underlying reality.)
We are not discounting the difficulty of solving such problems or estimating such results. Predicting who will and will not pay their mortgages is very different than flipping a coin numerous times. The future (the outcome) is not known in either case. With mortgages, however, no one knows how the future is even determined, i.e., how do early results affect later probabilities – kind of like reporting exit poll results before the polls are closed.3 Of course, the random processes of coin flips are easier to visualize, but that doesn’t mean it is accurate.
We prefer to use the inherent difficulty of the problem as evidence of our claim. There aren’t any easy ways to solve these problems when mulptiple assets or undersecurities are combined into a new one.
Methods that do exist usually require very arbitrary assumptions. (Uhh, look up “copula” if we seem overly cranky or harsh.) And, as we mentioned above, those mathmatical assumptions have implications.
Like everything else that comes out of any mathematical model — regardless of the level of formality diversification benefits are the implications or the artifacts of the model’s assumptions.
With complicated models that may be part theoretical, part empirical, or part simulation, ascertaining the contribution or effect of any particular assumption (on the overall result) is often rather difficult. Simply the choice (from the limited menu) of modeling techniques and assumptions, may be sufficient — at the margin — to make a collateralization look valuable regardless of the truth.
If our above argument is not compelling, then consider this question. Exactly how many deals – securitizations and resecuritizations – would have been completed and sold without the creation of substantial diversification benefits?
Without substantial diversification benefits, the remaining benefits would have to accrue from the marginal benefit of marketing “risk-differentiated” CDOs rather than the original, whole MBS. In other words, ignoring the modeled diversification benefits, are the benefits of providing differentiated CDO classes to investors with different risk preferences greater than the substantial transaction costs and risks? When phrased that way, it seems highly doubtful.
Thinly-traded “markets”
Yeah, that describes housing, especially in our neighborhood. So we ask, in a subdivision of x houses, exactly how many, y, have to sell at a ‘lower’ price for the remaining x — y houses to lose value?
In our little part of the Shire, there are 90 houses. All things equal, we figure that only three need to sell for ‘less’ before the rest lose value. In other words, after three, it is no longer about the particular houses or the people or their motivations.4
In many areas, 90 houses constitute a very small plan. So, let′s say y/x = 3.33% is the correct fraction for us. How would you expect y to change as the subdivision gets larger? Assuming a relatively high degree of homogeneity among houses, our guess is that the fraction decreases as x grows.
This problem worsens if nearby subdivisions are similar and nearby towns have similar subdivisions to your town’s. (A huge inventory and not many trades add volatility to mark-to-market valuation, but that is for another day.)
So, what is our point? In certain states, the downside cannot be diversified away because devaluations become self-perpetuating. There is systematic risk, and assuming high levels of such risk likely assumes away the justification to slice-and-dice in the first place.
Uh, are you sure you understand behavior and not just math?
Many people spend a lot of time, money, and energy trying to understand prepayment risk, i.e., the risk that if interest rates decline, the valuable cash flows of higher-interest mortgages will be lost through refinancing. The flexibility to prepay early is a call option for the borrowers and is naturally called prepayment risk by lenders.
Unfortunately, the embedded put option in mortgages seemed to be ignored by the same investors and modelers.
A few months ago — on February 8 to be exact — there was a very nice essay in the opinion section of the WSJ, entitled “The Rise of the Mortgage ‘Walkers’” by Nicole Gelinas. In it she argues that mortgage investors (and indirectly CDO investors) seemed to ignore the (cheap) put option available to borrowers by just walking away, and that this option is much more likely to be exercised when no down payment is required than when 15% or 20% of the purchase price is required.
Debt balances increased through reverse amortization, and housing values decreased due to reduced demand. Equity became negative. Many borrowers found it optimal to exercise their put option and returned the collateral rather than the cash. Who woulda thunk it? Combine lax financing standards with thinly-traded markets and uncommitted borrowers, and you could have problems. See this article for a related phenomenon.
Update: we should have written it as the time, but: combining the points under the last two headings, thinly-traded assets and put options, means a widespread, deflationary contagion (in home prices)becames easy to image.
- That reminds us of Mark Steyn’s excellent analogy for a different issue. It works well here, too. If you mix a quart of vanilla ice cream with any non-trivial volume of dog feces, it is likely that the mixture will taste more like the latter than the former. ↩
- A few of the points are bit cryptic, but we plan to expand on them in this or a similar context in the near future. ↩
- This is similar to the point that Taleb often makes. ↩
- We are cheating by not specifying the meaning of ‘lower’ or ‘less’, but it is our site, after all. ↩
