Posts Tagged ‘failed bailout’
Our Middle-class Morality
We chuckled when we saw this headline in The Wall Street Journal today, January 15: Fed Officials Say Ailing Banks Require More U.S. Funds.
That’s not really news, and – by the way – it’s tautological or true by definition. (Uh, otherwise, they wouldn’t be ailing now would they, precious.)
Anyway, our point is always the same – we’re consistent that way. Just because they need the money, doesn’t mean that they deserve the money nor does it mean that they’ll spend it wisely.
In that way, they’re not much different the the homeless alcoholics who beg for drinking money on the Roberto Clemente bridge in the city of Pittsburgh, and presumably – this is just a wild hunch – in other cities around the country, too.
Now, we know that some drug addicts get monthly Social Security checks from the federal government because their drug addiction technically – or, at least, bureaucratically – disables them, but we don’t think that usage is wise governmental policy, either. Maybe it’s just our narrow way of thinking, but such policies not only subsidize but also seem to condone such undesirable, anti-social behavior, and we, as a society, end-up with more of the dysnfunctionality that we should be trying to eliminate.
The only compeling argument that we’ve ever heard for such subsidization was presented by the aptly named, Alfie Doolittle, Eliza’s father, in My Fair Lady. His was a strictly utilitarian argument. Mr. Doolittle didn’t really deserve the £5 he was asking for (her). In his own words, he was undeserving and planned to continue to be undeserving, but he’d certainly enjoy spending it on a spree for he and his missus; so, in that sense, the payment would be used to maximize societal welfare and create jobs for those serving him.
We don’t see the validity of that argument in the government’s response to the current financial crisis, and it seems that many other members of the middle-class feel the same way.
By the way, in an article yesterday, U.S. Seeks Rest of Bailout Cash, the reporters Deborah Solomon and Damian Paletta wrote: “Congress rejected Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson’s initial request, sending markets tumbling. A second version of the law passed several days later, allowing Treasury immediate access to $350 billion.”
Perhaps those two slept through the wealth destruction that followed passage of TARP, as they make no mention of that drop in equity values. The DJIA was at 10,831 on September 30; so, talk about rewriting history! More precisely, talk about an extremely weak argument to waste more of our money!
Perhaps if the ailing banks and their regulators were a bit more straightforward and bit more like Alfie Doolittle, we’d personally be a bit more sympathetic. Until then, we’ll point readers to our other posts, including the last few (What Is Citigroup Worth? and When Is Enough Enough?) and our entry from three months ago when we first called for the nationalization of the weakest banks as a lesson to the remaining healthy ones: It’s Time!
So, we conclude by asking rhetorically: why subsidize irresponsible, anti-social behavior, regardless of the recipients’ hygiene, connections, or cronies, especially when – unlike Alfie – it and they are not the least bit amusing?
Left Wing Bias: Let’s Hope So!
That’s a title we never thought that we would write, but before we chase away our regular readers who share our political and economic world-view, please let us explain: it’s not as bad as it looks.
In Kimberly Strassel’s WSJ column, Hillary of State, Ms. Strassel describes how the mainstream media have now returned to providing a favorable opinion of Hillary Clinton’s foreign affairs qualifications (to be Secretary of State).
We must admit that that this is the first time in our life that we viewed overly-favorable coverage of any Clinton to be a good thing, or even the possible indication of a good thing.
But, again, we caution regular readers: it’s not as bad as it looks.
Take that exclamation both ways: first, we’ve not changed, and second, we speculate that the economy isn’t as bad as the recent losses in the stock market suggest. Although, we have no doubt that current government officials could turn that negative perception into reality, and may have already done so with their extant actions.
So here’s our short argument:
- Prior to the collapse of the stock market, losses were highly concentrated among financial intermediaries.
- Now, words can hurt…the economy. The hyperbole and/or outright panicky speech (or some combination of both) by elected officials and appointees, primarily Messrs. Paulson and Bernanke, helps create the recent collapse.
- Misguided actions can be damaging, too. The government’s effort to stem the crises, which we believe that they still consider to be a singular crisis, has been very damaging, too.
- So, equity values have decreased substantially and the economy is less sound than it was. There maybe be something close to a depression or not.
- Fortunately, the media’s general high regard for Mr. Obama, and their desire to help him succeed during the new administration’s honeymoon period, may generate sufficient goodwill to positively influence the attitudes and perceptions of consumers and investors to prevent the potential disaster that we have been talked and erred into by said officials. Ergo, in this instance, media bias may be a good thing if it influences the zeitgeist towards optimism and away from economic devastation.
Now here’s the longer argument.
Concentrated Losses
We very much enjoyed Peggy Noonan’s column this week, Turbulence Ahead. Much of it deals with the lack of evidence for what she abbreviates as GDII, or Great Depression II.
Despite the economic slow-down this autumn and the stock market crash, we’ll take her observations as evidence of a phenomenon that we have written about extensively: the high concentration of losses in this mortgage and financial crisis compared to earlier ones. Please continue to ignore the “domestic” auto manufacturer (as most of you have through the many years of buying “foreign” cars that were made in other countries and in our country). The outsized publicity that the industry receives about its problems far overstate its value to the economy. Moreover, bankruptcy does not imply liquidation; so, there is no reason to think that at least two of the three will not survive.[1. Smart Japanese or German manufacturers might wish to consider moving their headquarters to the U.S.A., and becoming a leading domestic manufacturer. Think of the goodwill such an act would engender, including the invaluable free publicity.]
While not directly related to this post, Ms. Noonan speculates about the nature of GDII, and her comments are wise and consistent with our observations living in a relatively depressed region of the country: Western Pennsylvania, during and after the collapse of the steel industry. She talks about the gradual, almost imperceptible changes that may take years to realize. Those who spent their lives here were/are much less sensitive to the change, whereas having spent a decade away, we noticed the general unkempt shabbiness immediately upon return; one can continue to see it in the peeling paint and dirty facades of many small businesses.
Epic Governmental Mismanagement
See most of what we wrote about the crisis since September although we might have criticized Mr. Paulson before that. This morning, in More Evidence of the Lack of Forethought that is TARP we summarized our criticism of certain aspects of the government’s response: the words and actions of elected and appointed officials have been extremely damaging and their efforts often counterproductive at best.
As we wrote several months ago, no single firm could destroy our economy. Such an outcome can only be achieved through government action.
Like Ms. Noonan, we’ve really not seen any panic among consumer – whether they are family, friends, acquaintances or strangers at the mall. However, the government’s response to the crisis has the continued potential to (continue to) harm the nation’s economic psyche and make bad times worse.
When Will We See the Bottom?
We had a conversation with friend earlier in the week who was much concerned about the future (who’s not?). He wondered if equity markets had reached their nadir and had cited some anecdotal evidence suggesting that his acquaintances were internalizing their substantial loss of wealth. They were not paralyzed with fear but had surveyed the economic environment and their own weakened financial condition and were getting on with life.
The Potential Benefit of Media Bias
Clearly, words do matter, and the media can frame and emphasize issues and perspectives. Directly and indirectly those words affect the behavior of citizens, consumers, investors, and entrepreneurs.
If the mass-media’s desires to aid Mr. Obama positively affect perceptions and improves the general economic outlook of the nation (and therefore the world), then the probability of escaping truly devastating economic conditions improves.
In that and many other respects, we certainly hope the best for Mr. Obama.1
So, starting today and continuing for a few months, we’re all for left-wing media bias.
Of course, we ask Obama? BWAMA?
Footnotes:
- We’ll ignore the issues where we disagree like abortion, gun control, healthcare, taxes, the environment, subsidies, etc. ↩
More Evidence of the Lack of Forethought that is TARP
The Wall Street Journal today, November 28, reports Rescue Plan Strained by Lack of Staff.
We’ve criticized the government’s response to both the domestic mortgage crisis and the larger global confidence crisis since it – that which became TARP – was first proposed. (We use the singular “it” because we’ve not heard any government official decouple the problems either in their initial panic or in the intervening months.)
Since mid-September, other than times when we were too busy to write, our criticism as been consistent, harsh, and steady: (1) initially the government officials, led by Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson, overreacted. That hysteria – or maybe it was (indistinguishable) hyperbole – exacerbated the situation and created real panic and extremely high volatility, which remains. (2) Their solution – which, as Treasury officials now implicitly admit did not meet the definition of a plan – was poorly constructed and destined to fail. And (3) as we wrote nearly two months ago, in Even A Perfect Bailout Will Fail, “What Hope of Success with Typical Bureaucratic Efficiency?”
The article cited above provides evidence of that “Bureaucratic Efficiency,” by which of course we meant inefficiency. (We should have included “ineffectiveness,” too, but it seemed like overkill at the time.) The key line in today’s article: “The current Treasury has so far struggled to keep up with the task of hiring enough people to handle the $700 billion financial rescue package…”
Would any reasonable person expect any more (or less) from a massive, centralized bureaucracy? In that regard, is the federal government’s response to this disaster or catastrophe any different than its response to Hurricanes Katrina and Ike? (Ike has escaped national attention due to the more destructive financial crisis and the recent Presidential election.)
Thus, our government seems to be unable to deal with either large-scale natural or man-made disasters. However, while Michael Brown, the Director of FEMA at the time of Katrina, could never be blamed for causing Katrina, can the same be said of Mr. Bush’s financial appointees in the current crisis?
Citibank? Bad Bank? Good Bank? How About Our Bank?
Update: Well this post is already obsolete, but we stand by our criticism. We tax payers should not subsidize Citigroup shareholders.
Tonight (November 23), The Wall Street Journal reports in Bailout Talks Accelerate for Ailing Citigroup that the government is negotiating to be the residual claimant of a separate entity that would house Citigroup’s worst assets and derivative bets.
Citigroup could lose up to $50,000,000,000, and then the government would absorb the losses. It is kind of like buying flood or hurricane insurance after the flood or hurricane. (Seems kind of silly and like a massive subsidization of a lot of bad decisions.)
If that’s the case, wouldn’t that guarantee make tax payers the residual claimants of the entire entity?
Let’s rephrase our question in another way: in negotiations between (1) interested and profit-motivated Citigroup bankers and (2) less interested government appointees and federal civil servants with no claims on the assets, does the reader believe the expected losses – or, possibly the privately-known, undocumented, extant losses– will be greater or less than $50,000,000,000?
So, shouldn’t the tax payers own the entire entity?
Unfortunately, it’s not clear whether the government will get any equity share of the “good” bank.
Now the reader might argue that it would be difficult to lose $50,000,000,000 on $2,000,000,000,000 (that’s trillion) of assets; so, there’s really not much subsidizin’ goin’ on.
First, if that were the case, then there really wouldn’t be any need for a subsidy would there?
Second, it turns out that the $2,000,000,000,000 is a bit on the low side. Citigroup has more than $3,000,000,000,000 of assets when its off-balance sheet assets are included.
By the way, that increase of a $1,000,000,000,000? The article mentions that $667,000,000 of it are in mortgage-related securities. (They’re probably of the highest caliber because, you know, everyone tries to hide their most valuable assets in off-balance sheet accounts.)
We love the sentence: “Citigroup has tried repeatedly to rid itself of its exposure to those assets.” Do ya think?
We starting a new convention of writing all the trailing zeroes. We think it communicates the size of the stakes more clearly. Things like three-digit “billions” and one-digit “trillions” are so abstract, but nine or twelve zeroes mean something. We do wish that the bureaucrats within the government and with firms would starting following suit.
As we wrote on Friday, if US tax payers are supposed to cover the downside, they should get the upside, too. This isn’t like deposit insurance, where there was a prior contract and exchange of premiums for protection. This is the subsidization of mistakes.
Guaranteeing the bad bank is bad industrial policy, and it would accelerate massive mergers (in attempts to become too big too fail) and exacerbate moral hazard as there would be no downside to failure.
We say: Nationalize Citi. Wipe out the ownership interest of all existing shareholders, except non-executive employees with restricted stock, and let them retain the same ownership interest in a new entity when it is privatized.
Do it as a lesson to other banks to find creative ways to improve the creditworthiness of their individual institutions. That’s preferable to pledging much of our nation’s current and future wealth to a small subset of its citizens, who happened to own bank stocks in 2008.
Without trying to be melodramatic, we ask: who’s children and grandchildren should pay for and subsidize Citi’s errors?
OMG, Mr. Paulson Agreed with Us Twice in One Week!
Update (01−20−09): now that Mr. Paulson’s term as Treasury Secretary has ended, we must admit that the small bit of optimism we exhibited in this post was sadly and unfortunately misplaced. It was out-of-character for us, but we’re a hopeful pesimist. He quickly reverted to his behavior of September and October, and for that, the markets, the nation, and the world have and will continue to suffer.
We hope that his earlier actions haven’t caused irreparable damage, but we’re doubtful.
This is a longish post that covers several aspects of the ongoing financial crisis and, for the convenience of new visitors, contains plenty of reference links to earlier posts.
In our mind, until last week, the current Treasury Secretary had an incredibly long and unbroken string of wrong decisions and actions. Starting in March if not earlier, and through early November, in almost every important decision, when Mr. Paulson zigged we would have zagged, and vice versa.
Well, actually, we wouldn’t have zagged or zigged as that requires effort. Instead, we hope our rhetorical flourish illustrates our opposition to many of Mr. Paulson’s decisions. We would have done what we have advised all along, and what Mr. Paulson finally, finally seems to be doing: nothing.
As we advised in September, particularly in the posts Overreaction and Moral Hazard: Now That Will Be a Crisis and Public Bailout? Why Rush or Do It at All? among others, we recommend Mr. Paulson to vigorously do nothing, and advice Mr. Obama and the next Treasury Secretary do the same: nothing or more precisely, nothing much.
We italicize the “much” because we continue to (1) offer our private, non-governmental solution to the mortgage crisis, which the government has yet to address since TARP become law, and (2) offer advice on the best way to mitigate the bigger and more worrisome liquidity crisis, and that will require a bit of aggressive government action to motivate remaining bank managers to act or sell. See, we don’t think that the government should act (much), but we do think that banks and shareholders should.
In general, we’re strongly in favor of an economic version of the Hippocratic Oath: do no harm. Thus, we advise: do very little for which there will be few unintended consequences. (Although we do have two specific recommendations in mind that we’ll mention later.)
So little time, so many mistakes: what’s the point?
The Treasury’s earlier insidious approach of getting the government’s many, spindly, little fingers on all of its Vishnu-like arms into hundreds of firms will likely have no end, ever. (Our prediction: they’ll renegotiate rates when taxpayers are supposed to reap the benefit of rate increases.) It was so very disappointing – not surprising, but so very disappointing – to see our federal officials act in such rushed and expedient manners.
Until last week there didn’t seem to be any thought – even an afterthought – of the havoc they were wreaking. Given shallowness their depth of thought, we would have been convinced that Mssrs Paulson and Bush were teenagers with Progeria had text-messaged their interviews and press releases.
What’s the point: when we taught decision-making to MBAs we heavily emphasized (1) knowing the decision criterion – the objective function – and (2) identifying relevant or incremental costs and benefits across alternative courses of action.
We saw no indication that our government’s leaders operated under such a framework, particularly in September and October of this year.
In other words, it should be very clear how to account for the federal government’s decisions and actions. One would hope that officials would have some metric by which they measure the effect of their actions, but that seems to have been beyond them.
What were Mssrs. Bush, Paulson, and Bernanke trying to accomplish? What were (or are) the costs and benefits of their feasible alternatives? Which categories of costs and benefits seemed to have the most reliable and firm estimates? What decisions were most sensitive to underlying variables and assumptions? Which decisions seemed the most robust across potential changes in the economic environment?
During the both the original mortgage crisis and the larger, ensuing and ongoing liquidity crisis, has the reader heard any government official speak in those terms? Or, until last week, when Mr. Paulson said, “Nyet,” were their statements more like: “Eek! We’ve got to do something! We don’t have time to think?” Yeah, it was a rhetorical question.
As regular readers know, we have very serious doubts about the effectiveness of various aspects of the government’s plan – although “plan” seems to be too thoughtful and organized a term to describe the government’s response to the crisis of 2008. Likewise, we have even greater doubts about its efficiency, or the ratio of benefits to costs. (Is it not approaching zero?) We mean that there are at least two issues to consider: (1) will the government’s response ultimately be successful? Will it be effective? And (2) If achieved, what will that “success” cost? Will it be efficient?
Unfortunately, so far, we’ve not heard a definition of success.
However, seven weeks after the approval of TARP, the results don’t look good. In fact, unless “success” has been defined downward, the results look more like failure. The NASDAQ Index sits at roughly half of its twelve-month high, and has lost as much value since the passage of TARP – about 700 points – as it did in the period from its high last December to the end of September. Likewise, the S&P 500 has gone from about 1,524 last December to 806 today, with 366 points of that 718 point drop occuring since September 30. Ditto for the DJIA: down from 13,991 last December to today’s close three points below 8,000. It stood at 10,831 on September 30. Trillions and trillions of dollars of value destruction – both before and after TARP.
Thus, “success” however defined, seems doubtful. Moreover, any claim of success must be tempered by the very heavy cost bourne by taxpayers and investors. So, given those results, we’re very encouraged by Mr. Paulson’s newfound hestitancy to act. But is the too little arriving too late?
Don’t just do something. Stand there.
Given its similarity to our position, we very much enjoyed the recent opinion essay by our former Washington Univesity colleague, Russell Roberts in The Wall Street Journal. It was entitled, “Don’t Just Do Something. Stand There.” A month after our post, Out of Their Elements, and weeks after related posts like Well, This Is a Fine Mess You’ve Gotten Us into…., Mr. Roberts makes similar points, and he draws similar, discouraging, and almost depressing conclusions about the future. Unfortunately, that doesn’t give us even a quantum of solace.
Fortunately, however, it does seem that Mr. Paulson may have read Mr. Roberts’ column during the second weekend of November, internalized it, and vowed swift inaction in the turbulent financial markets.
Finally: doing nothing! But why did it take so long?
We write that because last Tuesday, November 11, Mr. Paulson rebuked the automakers and their advocates seeking TARP funds, and news reports both last week and this week note that the Treasury have no plans to buy troubled assets or implement new schemes. (Last Wednesday, in response to the news, we wrote Taking the TA out of TARP, and ungraciously gloated over the fact that we had correctly predicted the law’s ineffectiveness and potential harm nearly six weeks earlier.)
Last Monday, the day before Mr. Paulson denied TARP funds to the auto industry, we wrote Patience Please! They Just Need More Time!, which noted that the car manufacturers had 35 years – that’s THIRTY-FIVE YEARS – since the first oil crisis to change their ways. It seems that through the entire time – almost the life expetancy of a Russian male – management, the unions, and the dealerships have been locked in an interminable game of “chicken” with each waiting for the other swerve to avoid collision and death to reap the prideful spoils of victory.
While in some ways, Chicken seems like an apt metaphor, it ignores the fact that over the past 35 years, with each myopic decision the spoils have become smaller and smaller – and are now almost nothing. In that sense, the auto industry seems more like a black hole where a massive expanse (of warm sunshine and frenzied activity) has shrunken to a cold, shriveled, and nearly non-existent state. Yet, its mass – or more precisely, the mass of its liabilities – seems to warp and distort nearby space as it smothers and destroys everything within reach.
Unfortunately, the self-destruction of a once-vital and proud industry is not a game or a blackhole millions of ligh years away. It collapse is tragic and close and the collateral damage of the collective, short-sighted selfishness – measured in the hundreds of billions if not trillions of dollars and in terms of lives ruined – has been all too real. Moreover, the siutation is not interminable, but it finite, and the end is near.[1. We admit to being a bit overly harsh as it seems the ill-advised CAFE standards wouldn’t permit the Big Three to lever their competetive advantages with large cars and trucks. At one time, they did make the best large cars in the world (and we still love our Suburban.)]
So, in our mind, ignoring GM, Ford, and Chrysler seems to be both the efficient and just thing do, and we admire Mr. Paulson for admitting – even if only implicitly – that his earlier actions were mistakes. Clearly, we wish that he could have been a faster learner. It might have saved all of us hundreds of billions of dollars of cash and trillions of dollars of equity value.
It’s our view that The Government Will Save Us! Not!. Instead, we’d prefer that it get out of the way and provide incentives to private enterprise to act autonomously. In that spirit, we still propose A Better Solution (than a government takeover), which involves tax incentives for buyers of troubled assets. Those incentives could be implemented as investment tax credits or as extremely accelerated depreciation, and would provide large (30%-40%) and immediate tax savings that would cushion the downside risk of uncertain valuations. (The things are hard to value.)
Make an example: nationalize the worst one(s).
We’re generally almost libertarian in our free market approach to economics, but don’t get us wrong, we continue to urge the government to nationalize the worst capitalized banks: the very few, not the many. We’d much prefer the outright expropriation of the worst offenders both out of a sense of justice and as a warning to other firms to act quickly to save themselves rather than to wait for government handouts.
Just as importantly, with complete ownership of a few firms, it is much more likely that there would be many calls from many parties, especially competitors and potential investors, to re-privatize the nationalized institutions ASAP. That political pressure would prove to be very beneficial to reducing the government’s influence in financial intermediation.
Imagine if the government would have nationalized AIG, would the outcome have been any worse than what we’ve seen in the past two month? Would it have been any more expensive than it has already been? We’d argue – and have argued – that issues with collateral, including those related to AIG’s diminished credit rating, would have been mitigated through government ownership and creditworthiness.
Moreover, other than non-executive employees holding shares, we’d argue that none – not 10% nor 20% – of the old ownership structure should remain. That might induce shareholders in other firms to become a bit more activist and demand stronger and more knowledgeable representation on their boards of directors. (See our recent: The Failure of Boards to Direct.)
We’d prefer the frenzied, motivated efforts of bankers seeking creative solutions to their most vexing problem over the current scenario where hoarding of funds and waiting seem to be the preferred tactics. In that sense we as an economy, a nation, and a society are in no better position today than we were six or seven weeks ago.
We wrote about what has and continues to occur in Even A Perfect Bailout Will Fail and Financial Projection in a Crisis among other posts.
Unfortunately, the biggest difference between now and the end of September is that our collective equity holdings have lost about one third of their value, and new asset classes like CMBS are likely to depreciate like MBS already has. However, on the upside, it seems that Mr. Paulson is moving (or more accurately not moving) in the right direction.
In all seriousness, we do pray that our senior government officials take the right, reasoned, and thoughtful actions. We hope you’ll join us. Perhaps it’s working.
(This a long post; so, there are probably a number of typos, which we’ll correct during the coming days.)
Taking the TA out of TARP
Jeez, our post from two weeks ago, which noted the similarities between TARP and GARP, makes us seem almost prescient.
Like T.S. Garp, it seems that Mr. Paulson is jettisoning letters as he continues lonely and aimless pursuit. In fact, we’d prefer that he take up Mr. Garp’s hobby as it is less damaging to the economy and our well-being than many of Mr. Paulson’s extant actions.
We base our statements on today’s announcement that the Treasury Department will not purchase any Troubled Assets: Treasury Not Planning to Buy Bad Loans, Assets.
This is one case where we hate to be correct, but it is exactly what we wrote about in September and early October, when we wrote exhaustively that the government’s government-run “bailout” could not be implemented quickly and would fail. (Search, bailout, for example, for our many posts on the topic.)
We’d also note that it is not too late to attempt a private solution to the problem. As we mentioned repeatedly – including in earlier posts today–the problem is that no one has confidence in their own valuation methods, and that lack of confidence is justified thus the mortgage market is paralyzed. (The broader credit crisis also involves a paralysis, but that lack of movement relates to distrusting each other rather than one’s self. Although there is a self-referential aspect to it that we wrote about in Financial Projection in a Crisis.)
However, as we proposed in September in A Better Solution (than a government takeover), private buyers could be induced to purchase the troubled assets with the proper (and simple) tax incentives.
Either permit buyers to immediately expense their purchase price (and then pay low rates on future sales or cash flow realizations) or provide an equivalent mortgage, investment tax credit.
Such tax incentives would provide a cushion or margin of error of 30% — 40% of the purchase price and would likely be large enough to stimulate a substantial demand for the mortgages and the mortgage-related products thereby providing liquidity without the heavy hand of Uncle Sam splashing around. (We suspect that many traders, structurers, and modelers know that they were/are wrong, but doubt that it is by an additional, say, 35%.)
Now that our officials seem less in the full-panic mode than six weeks ago, perhaps they’ll take the time to ponder or think or consider about reasonable, simple, and relatively cheap alternatives to their now discarded scheme. We know it is a stretch for many of them, but what else can they do? Garp. Garp. (Or is it rp, rp.)
Out of Their Elements
Has President Bush, Secretary Paulson, Chairman Bernanke, or Speaker Pelosi taken a single action or spoken a single phrase during the past month to inspire confidence in their ability – not to solve the problem – but to simply comprehend it and characterize it?
By “it,” of course, we mean the current liquidity crisis facing certain institutions that seem to have lax boards and managements that encouraged excessive risking-taking behavior that led to over-concentrations of holdings in certain (nearly worthless) asset classes.
Perhaps, that question is too harsh; so, we shall ask a different one. Has President Bush, Secretary Paulson, Chairman Bernanke, or Speaker Pelosi taken a single action or spoken a single phrase that has mitigated, rather than exacerbated, the current crisis?
As regular readers know, we often urge those with decision-making authority to take a shortened version of the Hippocratic Oath and pledge to “do no harm.” Today we go beyond that and recommend: just shut up!
Of the most recognizable national politicians – sorry most House members – the most intelligent quote that we heard was from John McCain in an Obama, anti-McCain ad. It’s the one with the bad cover of Sam Cooke’s “Wonderful World” with the lyrics “don’t know much about…”
In the quote, McCain admits to not knowing much about economics. If he and the other national politicians could remain that humble and thoughtful during the crisis, there is much less chance that they would exacerbate it and create a real panic. (Clearly, a former “community-organizer” would have a better grasp of subtle economic issues and concepts and thus be able to provide such insights as – and we paraphrase–we’ll solve the problem with common sense solutions and, as a bonus for the envious and spiteful, we’ll screw the rich while we’re at it. (Regular readers will recall our use of italics to denote sarcarm.))
