Posts Tagged ‘adverse selection’
Good (Late) News from the SEC
We Missed It a Few Months Ago
On the front page of the The ‘Money & Investing’ section of today’s edition of The Wall Street Journal, there is an article entitled, At SEC a Scholar Who Saw It Coming.
The article is about Henry Hu, who manages the newly-formed Risk, Strategy and Financial Innovation division at the SEC.
Though he sounds like a good guy, we don’t know much about Mr. Hu, but that’s not why we’re writing. It also mentions that in November, Mr. Wu hired Richard Bookstaber to lead staff training and data analysis, and that is a good thing. (The print version incorrectly identifies him as David Bookstaber.)
If you haven’t heard of Mr. Bookstaber, he has much knowledge and much experience working at large trading firms and hedge funds. In fact, he takes “partial credit” for a few of the past crises, including the Crash of 1987.
Mr. Bookstaber is also the author of the 2007 book, A Demon of Our Own Design, which discusses those crises, his roles in them, as well as his approach to risk (and uncertainty) management. We highly recommend the book to anyone in the financial services industry and within particular roles in other industries, too. For example, we recently recommended it to the chief of security at a large, U.S. based, multinational that operates factories and plants throughout the world.
In the book, Mr. Bookstaber makes the excellent point that overly-rigid or overly-complex risk monitoring and safety systems can actually increase the probability of failure and the loss given failure and discusses it both within and outside of financial services. (Recently, we made similar points in our analysis of intelligence failures and bad information system design.)
Besides reading the book, we also encourage our readers to visit Mr. Bookstaber’s blog, especially to read his testimony before Congress – the links in the right-hand column). It is well-written and not overly-technical.
Regarding risk and uncertainty management, Mr. Bookstaber makes points similar to ours, with the main intersection being that not every crisis is predictable, but thoughtfulness and contingency analysis goes a long way to mitigating crises. In fact, preparing (rather) general responses to possible, specific crises can prepare one for completely unknown ones, too. (See our essay on uncertainty management and almost any of our posts categorized as uncertainty or risk. By the way, we really like our post with the tongue-in-cheek title, The Role for Survivalists and Depressives in Uncertainty Management, because we think that personality traits like skepticism and pessimism are under-weighted and under-valued in most risk management hiring process.)
The best that we can tell, we tend to place more emphasis on stress-testing and scenario analysis than he does, but that’s because we think that imagination, like skepticism, is under-estimated, too.
One topic where we do disagree is his insistence that everyone (that matters) understands the limitations of the use of normal distributions in risk measures like VaR (Value at Risk). To explain, 2e’ll try to be concise but thorough but will err on the side of brevity.
It is well-known – though not wholly-agreed-upon – that assuming normality (or log-normality) mis-specifies models of returns, and we think that many ‘quants’ do know that, but they use those assumptions nonetheless, and that’s for a few reasons:
- There is no other choice, or no other tractable choice.
- Depending upon the context, it may not matter much.
- Ease of calculation and effort. (This is different than (1).)
- As a way to reduce measures of risk characteristics.
- Ease of communication to others.
We are very sympathetic to the first two reasons, and being somewhat lazy, we are also sympathetic to the third. However, the fourth reason hints at cynicism and greed and, depending upon who is using the measure, it can be very destructive. Also, if such assumptions are used for opportunistic reasons, that can indicate the traditional weakness of risk management vis-a-vis revenue-generating departments.
The fifth reason hints that maybe – just maybe – not everyone understands the calculations and assumptions and their flaws.
We have dealt with very high-level managers at very large firms who are quite ignorant of the basic characteristics of normal distributions. To their credit, a few were quite willing to admit as much. (They are the least harmful of the bunch.) But given those experiences, it is difficult to believe that most board directors understand the arithmetic; so, it is difficult to accept that all senior managers (at such firms) understand the calculations; so, it is difficult to believe that all other managers, traders, salesmen, and investors are knowledgeable and well-informed. (And, boy, could we tell you stories!) The fact that, as Mr. Bookstaber points out in his testimony, such topics appear in textbooks is a non sequitur.
When one combines cynicism with miscommunication – whether purposeful or not – there’s a good chance that the organization is bearing more uncertainty and risk that it imagines or measures, and that’s not good. So, that fact that “everyone knows” something – even if it that something is true – doesn’t mean that it’s not abused. For example, pick any vice that every “knows” is wrong but folks do it anyway. The abuse of illegal drugs and obesity are two analogous examples. (Oh, by the way, government regulation doesn’t seem to help much there, either.)
Finally – almost – these last two issues hint at incentive problems – both moral hazard and adverse selection – that exist within firms, and we’ve written extensively about that, too, e.g., Incentives and the Financial Crisis and many more.
In sum, while we have never met Mr. Bookstaber and likely never will, we are encouraged to see the SEC hire such a knowledgeable and wise person. We wish him the best in his new role. (We only wish that we would have done so a few months earlier.)
Business Schools, Incentives, Uncertainty, and the Financial Crisis
What Should It Mean to Earn a Master’s Degree?
We don’t answer that question here, but shouldn’t one be required to master something?
It Was a Matter of Time
Since early October, we’ve wondered when we’d see the first editorial criticizing MBAs and business schools for their role in the ongoing financial crisis.1 In our mind, much of the blame should be shared between business types, i.e., MBAs, and so-called “quants,” with the majority of the blame placed on senior managers who permitted lax controls and misaligned incentives to exist.
We didn’t write about it when the thought originally occurred to us nor during the intervening six months-or-so, but we’ve been tempted to write on any number of occasions.
Two events occurred last week that motivated us to write today. First, our excellent, former TA, Bridget Ardoyno, wrote to us that she has been blogging at http://econmom.blogspot.com, and that reminded us of teaching MBAs (but in a good way).
The Main Shortcoming
The other event was the appearance of an excellent opinion column, How Business Schools Have Failed Business, in last Friday’s edition of The Wall Street Journal. The column, by Michael Jacobs, lists three main failings of business schools with respect to the teaching and the crisis, but in fact, his three are all examples of the lack of the quality instruction regarding control and incentives.2 Basically, incentive issues are a type of control problem that arise in decentralized organization, where subordinates are permitted a degree of autonomy to act as they see fit.
The Root Causes
There is much to like about Mr. Jacobs’s criticism of business schools. However, while we realize that editorial space is limited, he ignores the two main causes of the problems that he identifies: (1) poorly-prepared students, and (2) an over-emphasis on entertainment and teaching ratings that motivates instructors to offer simplistic lessons at the expense of substantive learning. The first is related to the pathetic undergraduate educations most folks receive and the second is, well, an example of an incentive problem. (We’ll get back to both of these below.)
Incentive Problems Are Easy to Identify, but Difficult to Solve
Incentives problems are as natural and as old as recorded history: everybody wants what they want. In the Old Testament, were Adam and Eve anything if not incentive problems? Cain? We could go, but there’s no reason. All of the individuals were free to act in a decentralized setting, and failed to live up to their responsibilities.
In the New Testament, Jesus discusses incentive problems on any number of occasions. Two of our favorites: (1) the parable of the faithful and unfaithful servants (Luke 12:41 — 48) and (2) the parable of the good shepherd, (John 10:11 — 13). All consider the fallen nature of man and his (completely natural) selfish behavior.
That being said, there is not a more complex topic to address in business schools – or any type of school, for that matter – than incentives. That’s because the topic involves social (or multi-party) situations where one needs to be able to predict how another party will respond autonomously and freely to control mechanisms like compensation schemes.
Many of our readers already know that decisions can be categorized as games against nature – single-person decision-theory – and games against others, i.e., game theory. Generally – though not precisely – one can think of the investigations in the natural sciences as examples of single-person decisions and investigations in the social sciences as examples of multi-person decisions, e.g., how does one respond to a survey so how should the researcher interpret that response?
Incentive or agency problems – and information economics problems in general – can often be modeled mathematically using game theory or similar methods. In many of these problems of interest to business students, one decision-maker – say, the superior or principal – is attempting to maximize his own expected satisfaction or profits while ensuring that (1) the other person – the subordinate or agent – is willing to participate with him (in the social setting like a firm or organization) and (2) with full knowledge that the subordinate or agent will do what’s best for himself.
Those two conditions – participation and incentive-compatibility – constrain the principal’s ability to maximize his own expected satisfaction, and the latter problem is especially vexing to solve because it means that one of principal’s constraints is the other person’s optimization problem. How do you do what’s best for yourself while realizing that the other person is also behaving opportunistically (by doing what’s best for himself)?
Objectively modeling these issues as mathematical problems tends to require a rather high level of sophistication, and solving the resultant problem – or even knowing when a mathematical solution exists – requires an even greater understanding of advanced calculus, optimization, real analysis, and other mathetical theories and techniques.3
Very few MBA students are prepared to tackle those topics (and their applications) at that level of understanding.
Our Root Causes, Again
A larger set of students can handle simplified illustrations and examples of problems that tend to be more numerical in nature. Often, when taught in conjunction with a math software program, they can gain a keen understanding of the subtle issues that arise in the study of incentives, e.g., paying more for more output isn’t necessarily optimal nor incentive-compatible.4
Unfortunately, the root causes that we identified above – ignorance and selfishness/greed – make it difficult for most instructors to offer and successfully teach such a course to MBA students.
We’ll emphasize the students’ ignorance and not the instructors’; instead, we’ll focus on their selfishness.
Most MBA students are poorly prepared to think clearly, abstractly, and quantitatively, and that makes it a challenge to teach them either (1) quantitative subjects or (2) topics that can be effectively modeled, illustrated, or explained in a quantitative manner.
Incentive problems fall into the latter category. (What we’d call) simple mathematical or numerical models provide (by definition) abstract illustrations of particular phenomena and behaviors. They’re rarely solutions to real world problems.
Most MBA students are not sophisticated enough to handle that distinction; they want recipes, not thought processes, and recipes are easier to teach and grade. It’s not because the students are stupid, but it often is because they were poorly-trained as undergraduates and in require, core classes. Per Mr. Jacobs’s essay, there’s generally not much evidence of profs teaching compensation-related recipes in business schools because of the lack of relevant incentive-related courses. Thatt’s evidence of absence (of the courses), rather than an absence of evidence.
There’s much more evidence of that behavior in finance classes, where students want recipes for valuation. They’ll take abstract models, with either unrealistic assumptions or very, very specialized assumptions and unwittingly (and unknowingly) treat them as very practical and precise methods that calculate the one true value of the thing.
Unfortunately, they’re often encouraged to do so by their professors because it’s much easier to teach numerical – though irrelevant or mis-specified – recipes than it is to teach (and grade) thought processes.
In fact, that tendency to dumb-down teaching even extends to some faculty members’ research agendas. During our academic career, we attended any number of seminars where we heard the presenter justify his or her overly-simplistic and vacuous model by arguing that “we want to be able to explain it to MBA students.”
Imagine if medical research were conducted in the same manner? Or any serious field of inquiry for that matter?
From our perspective, it’s completely ass-backwards (and, in fact, its presence goes partially to explain why we’re in the private sector, today).
In an ideal words, the pedagogical emphasis would be on educating the students by attempting to pull-them-up to a level that they had not anticipated nor even known existed, and not presenting dumb-downed “research” papers for entertainment or pretense, but, hey, the latter alternative is easy, and one can generally garner higher teaching ratings by not challenging the students, especially if that perspective and technique is pervasive within the school. (We knew any number of faculty members at very expensive and seemingly prestigious institutions who would provide “sample” or “practice” exams before test dates – the actual exams would have slightly-changed numbers; who would schedule frequent guest speakers because “the students like it (and we don’t have to prepare);” and would show videos of factories or whatever once per week because, again, “the students like it (and we don’t have to prepare).” (Geez, it’s almost enough to make one cynical.)
Anyway, that combination of poor preparation of most students and the misaligned incentives of b-school professors make true learning about these thorny and difficult (social) problems, which all firms and organizations face, nearly impossible to achieve.
Why It’s Difficult to Teach about Incentives Issues
It’s not just the mathematical nature of the most compelling models of incentives that makes teaching difficult. It’s also because the problems are not particularly robust. By that we mean, illustrations and examples must be carefully (and empathetically) constructed, or they’re either (1) extremely stupid and un-insightful, or (2) extremely specialized, detailed, and so qualified (by assumptions) that they need a very high degree of mathematical understanding to comprehend and solve (and they end-up saying very little, anyway).
The fertile middle ground requires instructors and students to possess a rather high level of economic reasoning and strong math skills. We’ll avoid criticizing instructors, here, but unfortunately, many MBA programs have de-emphasized, eliminated, or consolidated microeconomics courses, and those courses are (or were) the best place to develop the requisite level of economic reasoning. In those courses and well-designed incentives courses, there is no substitute for a lot of hard work.
By the way, we unsuccessfully tried to establish just such a Control & Incentives course at our last academic employer, but there were no required econ courses and only a few very motivated, very curious, or previously-trained students would enroll in the elective. (Too much work!) As a public service, we’ll attempt to put that course material on-line in the near future.
But Difficulty Is Really No Excuse
It’s up to trustees and deans to ensure that schools and professors educate MBAs, rather than attempt to be “popular.” That’s true at both the individual level and the sum of the individual levels, i.e., the school level, where administration’s allow themselves to be subjected to the whims of Business Week writers and survey respondents. As a faculty member, we won our share of teaching awards while trying to do the right thing; so, there’s no sour grapes here, and we know that it can be done; however, we suspect that the short-term emphasis will not change. There’s too much inertia and very little confidence.
From our selfish perspective, it’s not as bad as it seems because that general failure to learn and teach presents many opportunities for consultants who understand both incentives and risk – people like ourselves. (We’ve written extensively about both issues, especially as they pertain to the current financial crisis. Please search the archives if you’re interested. Our Illustrations discuss many of these issues, too.)
Are you sure that your firm or organization isn’t about to do something stupid with incentive pay or clawbacks or whatever?
We’ll likely continue to revise and edit this post in the near future. (It’s long and there’s probably a few typos, but then TQM is rarely optimal.)
Copyright © 2009 Spero Consulting.
Footnotes:
- Admittedly, we haven’t searched very hard for evidence, but we knew we’d eventually see at least one. The only questions were: (1) when, and (2) would it be correct? ↩
- See our essay, Our Control Framework, for how we define these terms. ↩
- Nitpickers: we could have listed these and other fields any number of ways. ↩
- When we taught, we were very partial to Mathcad because of its WYSIWYG interface and because it wasn’t too much nor too little. It allowed motivated and curious students to solve rather challenging constrained optimization problems. ↩
Good Luck with that: Getting Bank Examiners to Act
This post greatly expands upon a comment we made about regulation in Even A Perfect Bailout Will Fail and possibly elsewhere.
Regulators as wise monkeys.
Today’s The Wall Street Journal has an article entitled, Bank Examiners Are Told to Step Up Sanctions on Lenders.
The first sentence of the article says it all: “The U.S. government’s armies of bank examiners have been ordered to be more aggressive in applying formal sanctions to financial institutions when problems are found.”
Unfortunately, ordering does not make it so, and we doubt that it will work. We’re not making a blanket condemnation here, but we’d be interested in knowing if and how the government deals with the incentive problems that we address below.
Unless the Fed, the OCC, and the OTS immediately transfer and reassign examiners, we doubt that many new issues will be found. Furthermore, if such issues are discovered, we doubt that those issues will be reported. (In this post, we’ll call such bank-related problems “issues,” and reserve the word “problem” for the dysfunctional incentives that may exist within the regulatory agencies.) Of course, there are many obvious issues that can be noticed without formal examinations and investigations.
Incentive Problems
There are, in fact, a couple of related incentive problems worth mentioning. (1) Many examiners spend many years examining only one firm. At large institutions, the examiner is usually located on the bank’s premises – possibly sharing office space, e-mail systems, and dining room privileges with bank employees and managers. (2) Many examiners seek (and gain) employment with the same financial institution that they previously examined.
We’ll briefly address the second issue first by asking: what incentive does an examiner have to take a “hard-line” by questioning the value of assets or capital reserved if it may infuriate or alienate a potential employer? (We’ll return to this issue at the end of the post, too.)
The elimination of the prospect of future employment, however, does not eliminate the incentive problem for long-time examiners. For reputational reasons, they may still lack the motivation to closely scrutinize and report issues.
Now, clearly some degree of familiarity is beneficial when examining or auditing institutions because that knowledge reduces the set-up and operating costs of performing the examination: portfolios, systems, and key personnel are all known by the repeat examiner. In addition, it becomes quite expensive for the government to move examiners and quite disruptive for examiners and their families to be periodically relocated to different institutions in possibly different regions of the country (or to travel extensively).
It is the case that certain higher-level managers are rotated, but that seems insufficient to ensure that lower-level workers will necessarily report issues of which they know. Moreover, who is more likely to discover (or be informally informed of) such issues?
Sunk Cost Fallacy
Our long-time examiner incentive problem is similar to the sunk cost fallacy that has been extensively studied by economists – including information economists – who address the question: why do managers keep investing in (seemingly obvious) losing projects?[1. There are other explanations, too. For example, we like this quote by Father Joseph Holzner, author of Paul of Tarsus,: “When a man feels the burden of guilt on his soul, he tries hard to justify himself before his own conscience and before others by increasing his false zeal, and thus he sinks yet deeper into evil.”]
There is an option-value explanation that if (exogenous) circumstances change, the poorly-performing project may become valuable; so, it is worth the cost to maintain that flexibility (and pay the equivalent of an option premium). That explanation makes the decision to invest to be very much like insurance.
The information story is different and involves adverse selection and reputation. A manager who made or who supported the initial investment may feel that his reputation is at stake and his judgment may be questioned by admitting that a project that they had picked as a winner was actually a loser (and so others may infer that the said manager is a loser, too.)
How It Relates to Regulation
Most bank activities are long-lived – because they are or because they are like investments. Thus, for dubious ongoing ventures, the examiner must decide whether or not to criticize or mention them.
Imagine a multi-year venture, activity, or investment that the examiner has not mentioned or criticized in previous years. Generally, it would be highly unlikely that there were no warning signs in prior periods, especially if the examiner’s superior were gifted with perfect, 20⁄20 hindsight, which is quite easy to possess (and requires much discipline to control).
In that case, we could imagine the undisciplined superior questioning the examiner’s past performance: “did you miss it because you are incompetent or did you catch it and fail to mention it because you are duplicitous?” (Here is an essay on Strategic Consistency and Managerial Discipline.) It seems that any examiner with any bit of foresight could also make this inference.
Thus, it may be in the rational – though not conscientious – examiner’s best interests to act as a trinity of wise monkeys and suppress his private information and discoveries.

Empirically and as a tax payer, we do believe it is fair to ask: how many examiners or finalized examination reports warned about any of the problems that we are now experiencing? How many of those unreported mortgage-related issues arose only in 2008 or the latter half of 2008? In that respect, the regulatory agencies seem much like the government-regulated credit agencies with their over-optimistic scenarios.
We can’t hypothesize all of the blame lower-level workers. There are certainly conscientious examiners who may or may have mentioned issues. Given our quite skeptical view of the (fallen) nature of man, it is quite easy to believe that in some cases their warnings were suppressed by their superiors, who despite rotation, may be have attempted to maintain good feelings with their subject banks in their desire for a well-paying corporate job.
Regulation as a Crutch (Causes Atrophy)
We’ll have more to say about the deleterious effects of regulation. We’re formulating a post about the false sense of security that risk managers may possess after they satisfy the questions of (seemingly simian, albeit intelligent simian) regulators. In other words, there is no reason to believe that passing regulatory hurdles alone is equivalent to effective risk or uncertainty management.
The Mortgage Crisis: Why Not Incentivize the Private Sector?
In today’s (November 26) edition of The Wall Street Journal, there is a Deal Journal article entitled, “Paulson Plan: ‘Truly Idiotic.’”
Although we’ve not gone that far in describing TARP et al, we’ve been harshly critical of Mr. Paulson. In fact, we’ve mentioned that his series of actions don’t seem to constitute an actual plan, because the word “plan” implies a certain degree of, well, planning or foresight and forethought, and those prerequisites seemed absent in his Panic of ’08.
The quoted accuser in the Deal Journal article is Charles Calomiris, a prof at Columbia, and he make several good points, including “we’re using half-measures designed in an inappropriate way,” and “The problem is the completely opaque distribution of losses because no one knows how to value these mortgage losses.”
We’ve made similar remarks any number of times, and it is exactly those opaque joint distributions of cash flows (and therefore losses) that cause all the trouble and makes the pools impossible to value with any degree of precision.
While we do agree with his criticism, we don’t agree with his recommendations. Primarily his suggestion that “the government offer to buy any mortgage for 40 cents on the dollar.”
It is unclear how the 40% solution is derived, and thinking in terms of Akerlof’s Lemons Model, you can be sure that only one type of mortgage would be offered: one with a value between zero and 40% of face value.1 Thus, if the government commits to purchase any mortgage, it would certain over-pay, and thus subsidize the worst cases, and if the government does not commit, then it is likely the mechanism would fail with few or any transactions. (The difficulty of valuing the mortgages does complicate matters as does their current book value.)
Why not try a private solution? Why not offer mortgage investment tax credits or permit immediate and accelerated amortization (depreciation) of the purchase price of those mortgages and mortgage-related securities for prospective buyers? Then set low tax rates for prospective realized cash flows.
We’re sure that many buyers have some valuation model, but likely (and justifiably) do not trust it. Giving a 30% — 40% tax break should provide them with an ample cushion to take a chance. How could such a plan be any worse than a government-administered plan, or a government-regulated, fixed-price one? (Remember the government’s success at other attempts at price controls: both supports and ceilings.)
By the way, folks who think this Thanksgiving week’s mini-rally signifies that the worst is over are likely to be sadly mistaken. We do hope that we’re wrong, but doubt it.
Nothing has solved the overwhelming problem that the markets do not trust the large financial intermediaries, and those banks do not trust each other. The mortgage crisis informed about the banks’ shortcomings; so, solving that mortgage crisis won’t cause anyone to believe that the bank’s judgment has improved – at least for quite some time. In that respect, Mr. Calomiris is quite right. Mr. Paulson has done nothing to help.
Thank god we live in a country that can withstand such epic mismanagement. What was the total $7.5 trillion?
(New readers can search the archives from the past several months to find many related articles.)
- We admit to making several simplifying assumptions, especially the fact that the standard Akerlof-adverse selection-market failure model is a single-period static model, and the real world tends to be multi-period (let’s hope so, at least). ↩
Should Citi Be Nationalized as a Warning to Others?
Note: We’ll likely expand and edit this post in the morning, but wanted to circulate the idea before bedtime.
We’re rather diligent – but not obsessed– about keeping up with financial new.1 We’ve heard many financial firms announce lay-offs and have read how at a few, like Goldman, senior managers have decided to forgo bonuses.
As we recall, most banks have announced withdrawals from subprime mortgage origination and loans, which seems like a wise move, but given the magnitude of their errors and mistakes, we’re very surprised that we haven’t read more about banks taking dramatic and drastic actions to limit risks and exposures.
We don’t mean hoarding cash and the knee-jerk reactions not to lend. We’re thinking more about their investing, trading, and structuring operations.
Maybe the banks are eliminating desks and floors, but they just aren’t talking about it, or maybe they have mentioned it, but we’ve missed it.
We’d certainly encourage financial firms to change their ways. In fact, while we’re close to Libertarian on many economic issues, we wrote on October 11, to Eliminate Proprietary Trading at Insured Institutions as a way to mitigate moral hazard and protect tax-payer interests. (Once they’re insured, it is no longer a free market, and there should be quid pro quo, not just subsidization.)
On September 24, in our post Could a “Bailout” Prolong the Financial Crisis?, we wrote:
So, if the government’s purchase of these thingies is approved, we would expect to see a continuation of the panicky behavior until the securities are actually transferred to the government because it is unlikely that anyone will know who has the worse ones so (means that) all remain suspect. (Also note that the most panicky firms might be ones who are projecting their portfolios onto others, and so might be the ones that other firms would like to avoid.)
Now that the TA is out of TARP, it seems that this week’s equity market performance, particularly among financial firms, supports our September 24th prediction above, i.e., the continuation of panicky behavior until actual transfers occur. We discussed related issues on October 7, in Even A Perfect Bailout Will Fail.
Or maybe they’re just taking a wait-and-see approach. That’s what we predicted in early October when we described the very high probability of failure of TARP.
Today’s Wall Street Journal reports that Citi Weighs Its Options, Including Firm’s Sale, and we wonder if it will survive the weekend.
As we argued in Bigger Is Not Necessarily Better way back in September, we see no reason to encourage mega-mergers and we based that argument on both moral hazard and systematization of idiosyncratic risk considerations.
So, as we argued in around October 10, we believe that It’s Time! to nationalize the worst offenders leaving no shareholders, except non-executive employees, with any ownership interests. We reiterated much of the same argument in a very long post from Wednesday: OMG, Mr. Paulson Agreed with Us Twice in One Week! (Yeah, we have a teenager.)
It seems that given its size of around $2,000,000,000,000, we taxpayers will be on the hook for Citi, anyways, so why not eliminate the middleman and provide any upside benefit to the true residual claimants?
In two recent posts, The Failure of Boards to Direct and When the Going Gets Tough…Quit, we’ve criticized the composition of Citigroup’s board because of their general lack of financial industry experience. (We’re sorry, but that seems unconscionable to us.)
We won’t repeat all of our arguments for nationalization, but the expropriation of Citigroup would certainly motivate other banks to act quickly and largely to mitigate risks and stabilize cash flows. (It would likely stop insurance companies and others from buying small banks or S&Ls in their beggarly attempts to become bank holding companies.)
By the way, for new readers, we’re not just for the nationalization of a few banks, we actually have a private solution for the mortgage crisis that involves providing the right tax incentives – like investment tax credits – to individuals, firms, and fund managers. (Read about it here: A Better Solution (than a government takeover).)
That solution to the mortgage crisis stills leaves the larger liquidity or confidence crisis for banks. That has arisen because the mortgage crisis has informed us (and others) that despite their pseudo-sophistication and the veneer of objectivity and science (almost), there is a very good chance that they don’t understand their environment or have reliable ways to value many of their products – despite their massive investments and activities for those purposes. In terms of an adverse selection problem, they’ve reveal themselves to be low types. (See last week’s Global Warming and the Mortgage Crisis for a discussion on that topic.)
So, as a nation, we should want (and attempt to motivate) the banks to act quickly and decisively (and with their private information) to get their accounts in order.
The benefits of TARP don’t seem to have provided the correct motivation to the banking firms to act to maintain their own liquidity and capital positions. We’d argue that this is an incentive problem and that if the benefit of the TARP “carrots” have been insufficient motivate socially-optimal behavior. So, perhaps a “stick,” like the threat of expropriation, induce clean-up. Moreover, it is seems that Citi will be ours anyway, so, why not give it a try on taxpayers’ terms rather than taxpayers’ backs?
- “Not obsessed” means we haven’t performed a thorough web search. ↩
Even A Perfect Bailout Will Fail
What Hope of Success with Typical Bureaucratic Efficiency?
We have criticized the “$700 billion” federal bailout of banks for the past two weeks and have done so for a variety of reasons. (We used the scare quotes to denote the unreliability of the estimate, which seems to have been grasped from thin air.) We won’t cite all of the reasons for its likely failure, because in this post, we’ll suppose that the “bailout” is perfectly executed.
Would such perfectly executed plan return us to the pre-crisis, halcyon days of early 2007? No! To anything close to it? No.
Suppose that each and every crappy mortgage, mortgage-backed security, and CDO held by a commercial bank is purchased by the government at a fair price, and so, let’s suppose that the banks have $700 billion in cash instead of semi-worthless thingies that they may or may not understand.
Now, under such an incredibly fortunate circumstance, would the dear reader have confidence in those banks? Would he or she have more confidence or less confidence in the bank that sold the most thingies to the Treasury?
This first reason explaining the bailout’s likely ineffectiveness is a “types” argument. They’re lower types than we thought.
We now know that many banks made a tremendous number of very, very costly mistakes and mis-estimations during the past several years. Thus, they now seem substantially less capable they did two years ago. (Does any reader think more highly of the banks today than in, say, 2006?) The capital markets departments, boards, senior managers, traders, risk managers, and treasurers seem less able today than one or two years ago.
Moreover, it is not just the losers. We recall a conversation with a former trader and current risk manager whose bank seems to have avoided many pitfalls that have damaged or destroyed other institutions. When asked why it was so fortunate, he replied, “it wasn’t due to any competence. In fact, it was quite the opposite. They had planned to be just like their peers but were incapable of executing it (the plan).” So, it seems that there are reasons to suspect the non-losers, too.
So, we ask, do you trust the banks with $700 Billion in new cash or do you think they will waste it or take excessive risks? Have they done anything to earn to earn your trust, and is there anything in place, like revised incentives schemes, that would indicate a change in philosophy and an improvement in control?
Secondly, we now know that for many banks, a substantial portion of their pre-2008 earnings were bogus. As those assets were losing value, the banks were recognizing income on them. Much of those earnings have now been reversed via losses, and it is likely that additional losses will be recognized in the next two quarters. (Recall: we’re assuming that the assets trade at a fair price.) So, we know that the banks’ future earnings will not return to pre-2008 levels, and it is unlikely that their equity base and capital levels will permit lending and investing at those past levels. Moreover, where will they invest? In real-estate? In sum, we expect lower earnings for the foreseeable future.
Thirdly, all of these points should be known – at least, collectively – by the surviving banks. As we wrote (tongue-in-cheek) in Financial Projection in a Crisis, if banks project their own abilities onto their peers, they may continue to be suspect of each other thereby keeping the credit markets “frozen.” How much does the dear reader trust them beyond the $100,000 or $250,000 deposit insurance limit?
Fourthly, with the mega-consolidations, and an associated too-big-to-fail mentality, moral hazard becomes an issue that exacerbates these suspicions. Will these mega-banks take outsized risks knowing that the government will cover losses? Will the government cover such losses? So, how long will it takes banks to trust each other, now that there are fewer trading partners? (Will banks trust the debt rating agencies? Do you?)
Finally, does the reader imagine that once the crisis recedes, the federal government will voluntarily give up control of the new portion of the economy that it controls? Generally, to induce the government to shrink requires, if not a literal revolution, at least a figurative one, e.g., the Reagan Revolution. Without such a revolution, what hope does the economy have with more government interference?
Those looking for regulation as a solution should note that investment banks and large commercial banks were already heavily regulated. Most reports to senior management and the board of directors are also sent to the regulators, who may question them. Did the reader not in the industry know that those regulators, maintain permanent offices in each bank’s headquarters and are almost like employees?
Besides reading such reports, the regulators also conduct frequent examinations, and, of course, they did so repeatedly during the past several years. Did they catch anything? Moreover, as we’ve written in the past, do they have the incentive to do so? Or would the discovery of an risky issue merely show that they had missed it in a previous year?
Also, remember that Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac were heavily regulated, too. Many members of Congress, e.g., Barney Frank, et. al., wanted less regulation for those two government sponsored entities. When will faith in such entities be restored? When will Congress have an approval rating above 20%? (Without searching to verify it, as low as Mr. Bush’s approval rating is, we don’t being that Congress’s is even 50% of it: somewhere between one-third and one-half.)
As we understand it, while “Spero” is not an Italian name, the word means “to hope” in Latin. We’re thinking about changing it to something more realistic when we comment on the bailout. Why not try our solution: A Better Solution (than a government takeover)?
We might add to and revise this post through time.
Moral Hazard and Another Problem with Illiquid Assets
in a Mark-to-Market Accounting Régime.
Here’s a couple of related issues that we can discuss in the context of today’s The Wall Street Journal article, Bailout Proposal Gets Hung Up Over Central Issue: Will It Work?
We’re deeply concerned about the moral hazard implications of any government bailout, and we doubt that we are the only observer to harbor such dark thoughts. However, we also think that those implications could be realized immediately rather than, say, during the “next” downturn in some far distant time. Thus our pessimism grows as does our annoyance with the federal officials who have proposed massive snd expensive actions without sufficient levels of thought.
In that respect, can the reader say, “commercial real-estate loans and CMBS?” And, does the reader know that illiquid CMBS – that’s redundant by the way-is very difficult to value, too? Not much different than CDOs of MBS. We commented on some of those valuation issues three months ago in this post: On Nedges and Sledges and Paving the Road to Hell.
We mention CMBS because we saw in the referenced article that many banks, not just the ailing ones, are trying to round-up everything they don’t want, i.e., crappy loans and securities, to make it available for sale to the government.
Can you, dear reader, blame the banks? We can’t. We’d certainly like the feds to buy our Suburban at its historical cost, too. Mr. Paulson are you listening? Can you help me, here?
As the article mentions, it turns out that the banks would rather sell these items at their currently marked values than be forced to possibly devalue them at the end of the next reporting period, which happens to be next Tuesday.
It is probably too late, so we doubt that it will happen on Monday, but we could see a banker trying to convince a government bureaucrat that the bank’s mark from June is still the best guess of where an item sells (if it were to sell to anyone in the market that doesn’t exist.)
We could also see the bankers’ expectations of the sales (to the government) to color their valuations next week. As we wrote yesterday in The Uncertain Value of Mortgage Securities that expectation will likely lead to greater adverse selection problems because of the possible increase in the uncertainty regarding the value of each bank’s assets. In our view, this will exacerbate, not mitigate, the current panicky behavior among banks as they deal with each other (until such exchanges with the government actually occur). However, we could see it leading to problems after the bailout, too.
With that in mind, we ask the dear reader to guess the multiple of $700 billion that banks have identified as assets they’d like to sell? We’re guessing a multiple of at least three – a few trillion dollars worth – with a substantial amount of CMBS and inventoried, pipelined, commercial mortgages thrown into that mix. (Those are loans that conduits made and planned to bundle into securities but are currently stuck with because no one wants the CMBS that would be structured from them.) Does the reader believe that only homes were overbuilt in former boom towns?
So, for argument’s sake, and to be excruciatingly precise, let’s say that we are correct that the bank’s collectively think that they’ll be able to sell $2.1 trillion worth of thingies to the government at prices that the banks like. How will take affect next week’s third quarter valuations, and what will happen when they’re stuck with $1.4 trillion of stuff that they wish the government had bought?
And that leads us to our second issue about the nature of disjointed and illiquid markets and how a little information can hurt a lot. You see, in social situations, more information is not necessarily better.
The fact that no one wants to buy the stuff doesn’t mean that there aren’t a lot of firms holding similar securities. So, let’s say that 20 firms are holding a part of a particular illiquid CDO issue or CMBS issue or whatever it is that no one else wants.
If the thing is illiquid then – nowadays – that means it’s not traded at all; so, there is no observable price; so, it is likely that the current marks vary across the 20 firms because they are all using slightly different models or all have slightly different – albeit, likely inflated – expectations of what a sale to the government will bring.
All things equal, it would seem to us that the most desperate firm would accept the lowest price offered by the Treasury. Again, all else equal, that’s usually how its works; otherwise, we have to add an adverse selection argument, too.
If that is true, then depending upon how much of the issue the Treasury purchases, that lowest price is now an observable “market” price for the other 19 firms, and that’s not good with mark-to-market accounting where a little bit of information, based possibly upon one firm’s desperation sale to the government set the new (likely lower) mark for the other 19 firms. It might be information and it might be the truth, but it certainly wouldn’t help society. More information isn’t always better.
That means additional write-downs may be forthcoming from, say, the other 19 firms. If that issue is part of our hypothesized $1.4 trillion above, then those write-downs in the future after the government purchase will be larger than they would have otherwise been without the bailout. Of course, that’s based upon our argument that the book values of the issues would be higher than they otherwise would have been (due to each bank’s anticipation of selling to the government at an inflated price). Such a scenaroi would lengthen the duration of the crisis and negatively influence the behavior of the firms when they lend to each other in the near term. There will be more panics that occur farther into the future.
Is this all idle speculation? Of course, we were a theorist in college. Are we wrong? It is quite possible – the chairman mentions that it often happens – but we doubt it in this case. Let us know what you think.
The Uncertain Value of Mortgage Securities
A few days ago we read an article – it was likely in The Wall Street Journal–where a trader from Chicago complained about a question that Ohio Senator Sherrod Brown asked of either Mr. Paulson or Mr. Bernanke; we don’t recall to whom it was directed.
Senator Brown had asked something to the effect of: at what price will these securities sell, i.e., be purchased by the Treasury? The trader complained that it was a stupid question because Senator Brown should know that no one knows the price. We chuckled. We know nothing about Senator Brown, other than he is from Ohio and is probably a Democrat, but we thought: dear trader, that is EXACTLY why he asked the question so that appointee would have to publicly admit as much.
In that spirit, yesterday we asked, Could a “Bailout” Prolong the Financial Crisis? because the prospect of selling mortgage-related securities to the government introduces additional uncertainty into possible valuations (and therefore into the “marketplace”). Uncertainty that could be partially eliminated – at least for the commercial banks – via their third quarter marks next week.
Moreover, this afternoon’s news that Congress has agreed – not voted, yet, but agreed – to provide the funds in stages will not help matters and, per our thinking, should worsen them. Such a long, drawn-out process will create additional uncertainty and distrust among lenders – not to industrial firms or consumers but to each other – so, expect more panicky days and mini-runs and Chicken Littles.
In today’s (September 25) The Wall Street Journal, we see that Peter Eavis and David Reilly make a similar point about uncertainty in the Heard on the Street Financial Analysis and Commentary Section: Bailout’s Flaw of Large Numbers.
In addition, they make the same point that we have made about the nature of the bailout. If it is a fair exchange, the banks are only marginally better-off because they have a more liquid asset – cash – rather than one of those thingies (that most board members can’t explain). If it is an unfair exchange, the banks may be better capitalized, but then the government is overpaying: see last night’s post in response to the President’s speech: Sorry Mr. Bush, We Respectfully Disagree. As they note, the banks need private capital, and as we note it is not in short supply: look at Mr. Buffet, private equity’s interest in commercial banks, hedge funds, etc., and also look at the low levels of Treasury yields. (Yeah, we know about flights to “quality,” too.)
Lastly, in any number of posts, we’ve discussed how the losses in this crisis seem to be highly concentrated within certain segments of the financial industry. Two other columns in today’s issue provide further support for our conjecture.
In the same Heard on the Street section, Liam Denning writes in Earnings Reports: The Audacity of Hope that consensus, expected growth of cumulative S&P 500 earnings will be flat for 2008 (over 2007) and 25% higher in 2009. In fact, analysts estimate that financial sector should make more next year than in 2007, which wasn’t a bad year. (Of course, we know that these analyst estimates needs to be taken with a grain of salt the size of Lot’s wife.)
On the editorial page, Andy Kessler makes a similar point about the concentration in his essay, The Paulson Plan Will Make Money for Taxpayers: “Eventually and stupidly, these institutions owned them for themselves – lots of them, often at 30-to-1 leverage.” That’s the problem with hubris. Sometimes you can’t help falling in love with yourself, eh, Narcissus. (Of course, we don’t care that on a time-value of money basis, the plan makes money for taxpayers. If that is true, it could make money for private investors, too, who are more willing than even the democrats to extract a proper pound of flesh, er, we mean a dilution in ownership (per Goldman and Warren Buffett.)
Uses of Internal Prediction Markets and Similar Mechanisms
We’re a few days late, but we think that five days without electricity is a worthy excuse to cover our tardiness.
There was a nice article in Tuesday’s (9÷16) WSJ about Best Buy’s use of internal prediction markets: Best Buy Taps ‘Prediction Market.’
The goal behind the program is to elicit employees’ private information about the probabilities (and estimated magnitudes) of successes (or failures) of various corporate initiatives.
We heartily applaud Best Buy’s program as both a way to (1) accomplish that goal of eliciting that private information and personal beliefs without fear of repercussion, and (2) aggregate and consolidate that information via an imaginary market price in its prediction marketplace. (Provided those prices are properly interpretted by senior management.) In particular, Best Buy seems to have found an inexpensive way to gain geographically-dispersed information without any threat of retaliation against the bearer(s) of bad news, and that is quite an accomplishment.
In a somewhat different vein, we’ve often wondered why other firms – particularly financial service firms – haven’t tried similar programs. For budgetary purposes, many such firms seem to prefer to trot out a chief-economist to provide base-line economic predictions, and while many such folks may be talented individuals, they are sometimes housed in marketing (sales) departments; so, it is not clear where their expertise lies.
Why not supplement their forecasts with, say, trading or investment manager expertise and opinion in a similar, informal way? Why throw-away the aggregate, day-to-day experiences or observations of tens, hundreds, or possibly thousands of individuals when determining likely market scenarios? We think that such internal markets are excellent informal and indirect ways to efficiently accumulate small bits of information that various individuals may possess.
Going beyond the scope of Best Buy’s mechanism, for certain firms, we think it would be worthwhile to keep track of certain managers’ predictions as a way to keep things a bit honest, and as a way to account for opportunity costs, i.e., the road not taken. So, unlike at Best Buy we’d argue that for certain senior managers it would be worthwhile to hold them accountable for their predictions because they have such large implications for the firm.
For example, we recall senior managers at one firm choosing to “under-invest” in fixed-income assets because they were convinced that “rates are going up.” By that statement they primarily meant that the returns on Treasuries with maturities from two years to ten years would rise (and rise substantially).
That was five years ago, and despite some fluctuations up-and-down rates aren’t that much different than in the summer of 2003. Consider that two-year, three-year, and five-year notes purchased in 2003 would have matured by now – at least once – and the opportunity cost (of the lost interest income) could be substantial, especially when the yield curve is steep.
From what we’ve observed, it seems that when there is no accountability for senior management predictions, it is much easier to develop “group think” because such predictions were well-publicized are well-publicized with firms. For example, everyone we spoke with – even within market risk management – was convinced that rates were going to rise: “we all know rates are going up.” (Being rather skeptical our reply was consistent: if that is so, shouldn’t rates have risen already?) Moreover, if that were the case – that rates were certain to rise – then there would be little need for risk management. It would be better to fire everyone and sell short as many longer-dated bonds as possible.
We recall another firm that seemed to have – or at least publicized – a similar conviction. At the time, they issued medium-term debt at what seemed to be a unbelievably-low, fixed interest rate. Management immediately swapped the fixed-rate payments to floating rates. We asked about the inconsistency between the view that rates were going to rise and the swap to floating rates and were told “That’s what banks do; they swap their fixed-rate debt to floating-rates.” So much for putting your money where your mouth is.
By the way, there is nothing inconsistent between our views of what’s best for Best Buy and what’s best for the other firms mentioned here. It depends upon who’s private information and beliefs the firm is trying to elicit. In fact, both schemes could operate within the same firm – most likely, at different levels of the organization.
We’re behind in posting a few of our promised essays, but these relate to the issues discussed above: If One is Bad, 400 Must Be Good, Common Managerial Mistakes in Decentralized Organizations, and Strategic Consistency and Managerial Discipline.
Freddie Mac + Fannie Mae = Not Much Value
As regular readers know, our professional interests include incentives and understanding the implications of particular compensation schemes and performance measurement systems. Moreover, we like to think about these issues for market-related activities like trading and investing and risk management.
In this post, one day after the United States has basically (and almost formally) nationalized Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae, we begin by asking the dear reader a simple history question.
See, we need to ask the question because our dissertation and much of our doctoral training involved information economics, and our degree wasn’t granted until the mid-90’s. (Information economics involves multi-person problems related to hidden effort (moral hazard) or private information (adverse selection), which can arise in relationships like trading where there trader takes actions that can’t be observed or knows facts that he may be unwilling to share unless induced to do so.)
By the time our doctoral studies, economic history had not been a required course in most PhD programs for over 20 years. You see, everything was new and better; so, there was no reason to study any related thoughts that had been thought prior to, say, the mid-1800’s, especially if the analysis was non-mathematical in nature. (We sometimes denote sarcasm with italics.) Thus, while we attempt to read about the scholastic economists in our spare time, we are still a bit ignorant about such things as actual transactions and events that had occurred in the distant past – ergo, our question.
So we ask: consider the history of human social and economic interaction, which likely dates back at least 10,000 years. When during those ten millennia did man first learn that another might take “excessive risks” if the other’s upside was nearly unbounded and the downside was substantially limited – due to, say, a guarantee from a benign but very wealthy party or government? We figure it was right around the same moment when said risk-taker stated to a partner, “Let’s do it. What do we’ve got to lose?”
By the way, here are a couple of reliable working definitions of “excessive-risk-taking:” (1) “wouldn’t do with your own money what you’re willing to do the others’,” or (2) “others wouldn’t want you to do with their money if they knew what you knew.” (In our mind, miscalculating the odds if such calculations are indeed feasible is less about excessive risk-taking and more about incompetence.) So, the reader can think of excessive risk-taking as taking longer odds for a higher potential pay-off (to one’s self) than one’s investor(s) may prefer.
In that spirit, we ask a follow-up question. We know that one can take “excessive risks” and if the number of trials (e.g., gambles or trades or investments) is relatively small, one’s good fortune may carry one and his clients through to success.
However, we’re interested in the “long-run,” which despite its name may not take much time to play out.
Ignoring all of the knowledge and measurement issues involved in Uncertainty Management–as opposed to risk management – we ask: what is the long-run chance of survival if (1) the person is allowed to remove all or most of his share of short-term gains after each period, and (2) he suffers no adverse effects to that (separately-kept) bounty due to subsequent losses?
It is similar to a Gambler’s Ruin problem with moral hazard where the agent gets to select some combination of probabilities and short-term pay-offs. As we mentioned above, “excessive risk-taking” would imply that the agent goes for bigger pay-offs with smaller probabilities in hopes of getting rich quickly…at a cost of the long-term viability of the entity (due to the lower probability of long-term success and survival). Why would this happen? Perhaps he is less patient than his investors.
If the reader agrees with our model, then he or she is likely to also agree with our rhetorical question: how could Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae not end in a débâcle? Lax oversight and excessive risk-taking in a poorly understood, non-stationary environment. What’s not to like? Some of the participants didn’t think that it was a poorly understood environment, and that was part of the problem.
Notice also that it seems rare for market environments to seem more secure than one initially thought, which is why we like the subtitle of our Uncertainty Management essay: Why Trading Is Like Playing in a Culvert on a Hot, Sunny, Summer Day.
We’ll likely have more to say about these entities and our very rough ruin model in the coming weeks, but we must get on with other work. We do note in closing that regardless of the complexity of the environment, economic activity is about incentives. It always has been and, as long as man is self-centered and fallen by nature, it always will be. In that spirit, we note that almost 2,000 years ago, Jesus discussed both moral hazard and private information in the Parable of the Faithful Servant, i.e., the anti-social servant who should have known better and the other one who didn’t know better should be punished differently. Despite our ignorance of history, we doubt that he was the first to note these problems and punishments.
Fixing Self-Created Problems in Organizations
There is a very nice article in Monday’s (August 25) The Wall Street Journal, entitled “Münchhausen at Work” by Phred Dvorak. He describes situations where workers consciously create problems and then provide solutions in hopes of recognition and rewards. When creating the problem the employee attempts to be secretive, but sometimes cameras and colleagues get in the way. The employee then solves the problem in a visible way to make recognition and positive feedback easier to obtain.
Because the topic involves incentives, it is very close to our small, black heart. We like the column but have a few comments and observations about such topics as information hoarding and the endogenous nature of managerial control. That means the bad behavior might be a function of management’s decisions and policies.
Workers behave in a dysfunctional manner for several reasons. They might be evil, irrational, or may have been induced by control policies and incentive schemes. In this post, we focus on the last point: that firm may be unwittingly inducing them to misbehave.
Before continuing, however, we note that despite such behavior being possibly harmful and likely irritating, eliminating it might be suboptimal. Such behavior may be the byproduct of the very best way to manage the business — just like other types of waste are generated from every other useful process of which we know. That, my dear reader, is why the expression, “Don’t throw the baby out with the bath water,” was invented; it is impossible to eliminate all costs without eliminating all of the benefits, too. Sad, unfortunate, but undoubtedly true.
Thus, if one permits employees to work autonomously (because it has been determined to be the optimal organizational design), then, given that the workers are not actually angels on loan from heaven, they will likely waste something, including their own time. Again, such is the nature of all activity; it requires trade-offs; there is no free lunch — no sustainable arbitrage.1
Despite the above observation, which should always be a consideration, we would argue that these Münchhausen-like incidences are often the result of managerial mistakes and are likely the “unintended consequences” of poorly constructed policies and schemes. That means that someone didn’t spend enough time thinking before they selected or implemented management policies. (We’re including in these missteps cases where management purchased off-the-shelf and/or faddish solutions to challenging problems.)
Information hoarding:
Mr. Dvorak mentions “Watch out for information hoarding,” and we realize that like squirrels, some workers have the natural tendency to hoard. However, often workers hoard facts and information for strategic reasons. For example, in Pay Disparities we wrote the following:
This … begets a more general question related to private information and managerial control: as a superior, how do you treat the bearers of bad news? …Clearly, the treatment of subordinates sharing bad news is an issue of managerial discipline. Something (for you) to consider: if bad news is always a surprise, either the environment is extremely dynamic or your in-the-know subordinates are afraid of you.
In that case, they may hoard bad news until they have a solution to the underlying problem or in hopes that by good fortune, events will reverse themselves: very, very, very common in trading and investing. We discuss this further in the second half of our essay Strategic Consistency and Managerial Discipline. We also point readers to our post Insidious Insecurity, or how tenure is like plea-bargaining, which describes similar issues.
Again, in a decentralized environment, where private information exists, such hoarding is not necessarily dysfunctional. In our essay, Common Managerial Mistakes in Decentralized Organizations, we ask: does one seek information or wish to motivate? Generally, in real situations — as opposed to theoretical setting — when subordinates both possess private information and take hidden actions for the firm, one generally can’t have both the information and the preferred level of effort without paying a high price. Such a high price may not be wealth-maximizing. Therefore, it is often necessary to forsake one for the other, or a little of both, like how tenure provides information about potential recruits but creates possible effort issues and other information problems.
Teamwork:
Mr. Dvorak notes that experts state to “Stress teamwork over individual problem-solving.” We are not sure who these experts are, but we do know that such an emphasis may exacerbate the syndrome, particularly if an employee feels that his contribution to the team has not been properly recognized and feels under-appreciated.
We could easily imagine someone contriving to distinguish themselves from their co-workers because of his or her co-workers’ dysfunctional or unethical behavior. Thus, what is observed as Münchhausen-related may be symptomatic of other, more substantial underlying problems. For example, it may be evidence that the person’s co-workers are slackers and idea thieves. As Gandalf says, “Things are not always as they seem.”
The Importance of Reflection:
So, if neither the individual nor his or her colleagues are to blame, who is left? Who has induced such behavior? Customers? Highly doubtful.
If such behavior is the unanticipated consequence of control policies or incentive schemes, that leaves only the management and its advisers to blame.2
If that is the case, then we must ask: which is worst, the conscious creation of problems in a Münchhausen-like manner or the unconscious creation of (unintended) problems through poorly-designed (or negligently-adapted) strategies, tactics, controls, and policies? Moreover, if one observes the former, is it due to the latter?
Copyright © 2008 Spero Consulting.
Footnotes:
- However, we are not saying that improvements can never be made so that one must always accept the status quo. That would severely limit the demand for useful consultants. ↩
- Again, there may be no one to blame, and such behavior may be an artifact or by-product of wealth-maximizing policies. This is analogous to the wealth-maximizing level of security and protection services for a retailer. Some level of shoplifting is anticipated because the marginal cost of additional security — in terms of personnel, equipment, and lost sales associated with annoyed customers — is greater than lost value of stolen goods. ↩
Incentives at UBS and in General
Update: We have a newer post on the same general topic, Clawbacks: the Good, the Bad, and the Ugly, which we published on December 9, 2008. It discusses the proposed use of clawbacks at UBS and other firms.
As we mentioned in the previous post, The Wall Street Journal’s breakingviews.com column today discusses newly proposed performance measures at UBS: aptly titled “UBS Seeks New Incentives.” (It is at breakingviews.com, not wsj.com.)
We certainly disdain UBS’s current approach of rewarding performance with shares, but rather than restate our criticism of the (general) use of universal performance measures, we point the reader to our essay One Performance Measure to Rule Them All. Of course, those looking for a criticism of the converse, i.e., a multiplicity or overuse of performance measures will find that, too. That one is called If One is Bad, Then 400 Must be Good.
Today’s column of interest discusses something called “phantom equity.” We’re not sure how many jokes could be written to define that phrase, especially during the continuing financial crisis, but we have no desire to offend shareholders at most of the larger firms; so, we will skip it.
Anyway, phantom shares seem to be the product of some measurement of divisional earnings, with all the attendant accounting assumptions and allocations, multiplied by few other arbitrarily chosen numbers, including some type of earnings multiple that comes from who knows where. (We do like the attempt to equate three made-up divisional values to the overall market value. To us, it sounds like solving one equation with three unknowns. We can vaguely hear someone say, “I remember that Mrs. Pfeiffer said that we can’t solve one equation with two unknowns, but she never said anything about three unknowns; so, let’s keep trying. I don’t care if the answer keeps changing.”)
Under such an earnings-based scheme, it woud seem that once the parties — corporate and divisional management — agreed to those multipliers, divisional employees would be rewarded based upon divisional performance. Unless, each employee is performing an identical job so that his or her individual performance is nearly perfectly measured by his or her share of divisional income, the new scheme is essentially no different than the old, share-based one; so, we once again refer interested readers to our essay One Performance Measure to Rule Them All, which discusses both cases.
By disaggregating the divisions and switching from equity to earnings, the firm’s managers may possibly reduce the risk imposed upon certain employees — we can’t be sure of that unless we know the relationships (think correlations) between and among the different measures. In the process, however, they trade the possible reduction in risk for the increased capacity to behave subjectively: they, themselves, not their employees. Thus, while decreased risk may permit lower risk premia and thus reduce expected bonuses and increase expected profits, the increased subjectivity usually increases compensation costs and has demoralizing and demotivating effect on employees who become wary (or warier) of senior management.
This subjectivity may be obvious or not. It maybe in the form of the opportunistic use of cost allocation (for centralized and shares services and resources) to reduce a particular division’s income. Without the use of effective commitment mechanisms by management, that arbitrariness usually increases the level of distrust within the firm. (We recall mentioning something like that in a slightly different context in If One is Bad, Then 400 Must be Good.) Note that such schemes may also either directly or indirectly introduce a level of competition within the firm, but that is not always a bad thing. They will also likely make the firm more political, and that is rarely a good thing.
Thus, the use of phantom equity may leave the the firm in similar situation as the current scheme but with possible additional problems, too. A very rough analogy: think of a single global performance measure as a banquet food, say, chicken with some unknown white sauce on it. It probably doesn’t map to anyone’s taste buds. Adding a few more items may satisfy a few, but it can lead to more problems and higher coördination costs and possibly illness if that food is prepared incorrectly or sits too long. By comparison, a restaurant permits much closer mappings to tastes than banquets. (That is why few banquet halls operate as restaurants.) Restaurants may be more expensive, but customers usually think they are worth it, ergo utility is maximized. Think of us as a food critic.
So, what is the solution for UBS? The same as with any other firm. We follow an algorithm by asking: how does the person’s actions and decisions affect wealth creation? What signals are available of those actions and decisions? What are the characteristics of those signals? And, how should the signals be weighed to effectively evaluate performance? Remember that is done to motivate effort and not for its own sake.
At its core, our approach is statistical but considers qualitative factors, too. Saying any more would betray firm secrets, and needlessly destroy our human capital. However, given this brief description, we must add: what are the chances that shares or phantom equity would be the optimal choice for each semi-autonomous employee in each of the three divisions? Seems that it would be rather remarkable, doesn’t it?
Finally, let us note that this post skips over a whole host of related issues like asymmetric information and its fraternal twins moral hazard and adverse selection. These problems create the need for performance measures in the first place. Double finally, we can’t resist mentioning that we think incentive pay is quite overused and thus very costly to corporate America and its shareholders.
If ‘If’s and ‘But’s Were Candy and Nuts…
Oh! What a Party We’d Have.
(Or, to misquote Pink Floyd, They Don’t Need No Education.)
Those readers of a certain age and inclination may recall Dandy Don Meredith’s use of those phrases back when Monday Night Football was entertaining. 1 Somehow it has been mangled on the web to be something about Christmas, rather than a party. 2 Yes, it was a long, long time ago, and we were a very young boy — though the charm and good-looks were evident.
Reading, or at least skimming — it was kind of long and boring — Charles Murray’s opinion column in today’s Wall Street Journal reminded us of that title quote, which we swear is also from an old Willie Nelson song, but we can’t recall the title. Anyway, Murray laments the necessity of college and earning a bachelor’s degree as per the title of his essay: For Most People, College Is a Waste of Time. Now, anyone who has stood in front of a university classroom, except the very most charitable personalities, would likely agree. 3
But, despite those sentiments — while at the same time assuming that those impressions are valid — we note that such observations do not mean that a more efficient, feasible solution exists, especially since his solution implicitly calls for more government regulation and interference in the economy. (Recall that barbers and hair stylists need licenses, and has that ever prevented a bad hair cut? Certainly, not in our town or any town that we have ever visited or even on our own precious head.) Dr. Murray cites CPAs as an example of how a national certification system can work. (Presumably, he has never taught introductory financial or managerial accounting to most CPAs attending MBA programs.) But he ignores that the fact that such testing and licenses are governmentally — albeit state government — mandated.
While he does acknowledge the market place and the possibility of private testing services, he ignores the difficultly of developing and administering such tests on a national scale. For example, he mentions ETS (Educational Testing Service), but we recall reading a few months ago that they no longer believe in the validity of their own SAT tests.
Our readers can skim Dr. Murray’s essay for themselves, but we have several comments about his suggestions. First, suppose a national certification system were indeed optimal, such a condition does not mean that a colleges would atrophy and die for lack of use. In fact, a college education could still be the most efficient way for most job candidates to gain the necessary test-related “knowledge,” and that is regardless of the absolute level of college-related waste. What matters is how college stacks up against other learning alternatives. (The general problem is a net benefit maximization program, not a cost minization program.)
In fact, at one time in the last millenium we had an interest in starting a firm that offered such testing services to corporations. We considered that if the service were successful, a side benefit would be the accumulation of test performance data across programs and universities, and we thought that was the best way to determine the best programs in a field, without relying on the opinion of non-specialist corporate recruiters, biased alumni, and past (and possibly obsolete) reputations.
Second, given his implicit call for more government regulation, Dr. Murray provides a stereotypical example of a deficiency that many social scientists, who are not trained as economists, possess. Despite his mention of the market, he seems to ignore incentives and motivation and human behavior. (One need not be an economist; having an understanding of the fallen nature of man is often sufficient for this purpose). To be brief, we ask: can you say, “cartel” and, possibly, ever-increasing test standards, etc. Moreover, combining our first two criticisms, we note that screening and signaling solutions already exist to many such adverse selection (private information) problems in this part of society. Dr. Murray may dislike the costs or implications of these solutions, but he provides no evidence that his solution would benefit anyone beyond the additional government bureaucrats administering licenses.
Third, who is to say that all benefits of education can be quantified or exhibited on a standardized test? This criticism of his recommendation is similar to our frequent criticism of risk management, i.e., immeasurable things can hurt and should not be ignored. 4 Likewise, an individual’s immeasurable or qualitative traits can provide huge benefits to employers, may be evident to recruiters, and may be developed in a college atmosphere.
In the past, we had a certain agreement and respect for Dr. Murray as he tackled politically incorrect topics. It is possible that his success has led him into an Elvis or Michael Jackson-like bubble, where no close associates will provide honest feedback, e.g., “No, Elvis, that white jump doesn’t make you look fat,” or “No, Michael, the surgery looks good.” Does Dr. Murray have an entourage? Let’s hope not.
P.S. We wrote this on a now depreciable, Vista notebook that has the hideous pointer property of selecting whatever the cursor sits on or inserting itself where it stops. Is the devil working at Dell’s touchpad supplier?
Copyright © 2008 Spero Consulting.
Footnotes:
- We once purchased a “pet quality” Basenji puppy at four months of age — the dog’s age, not ours. At six months, he was neutered, and at seven months, he was boarded at the breeders. The breeder drooled over his champion-caliber looks, and wanted him back for showing until we explained the neutering. Since then, we’ve substituted “Scooter’s” for “Candy and” and “Champion” for “Party,” but the sentiment remains the same. Wouldn’t it be nice if everything worked the way we wanted? By the way, they sell somethings called prosthetic neuticals for that purpose. ↩
- Would Dandy Don say “Christmas” instead of “party?” Maybe once during December, but generally? We think not. ↩
- That reminds us of a friend and former colleague’s answer to the question: “What do you teach the students?” His reply, “I don’t know what I teach, but I talk to them about finance.” ↩
- Please see our essay on Uncertainty Management. ↩
Private Information and KKR’s Plans To Go Public
Today’s WSJ announces that the private firm, Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Co. (KKR), plans to sell shares to the public. It reminds us of when other private firms have gone public and that, of course, reminds us of Akerlof’s Lemons model. (Look it up.)
We will use KKR’s presumed value of $15 billion for our brief example. The Journal reports a deal value between $12 — $15 billion, which was provided by unidentified sources familiar with the IPO. Now, who would that be?
Now, we can all agree that the management of KKR is smart and savvy. Excluding charitable work that may be quite extensive, we have not read reports that either the firm or the owners are prone to giving away value in their business dealings. Therefore, we ask the dear reader: if the firm would like to receive $15 billion when selling a piece of itself, it is more likely that the underlying value is greater or lesser than $15 billion? For example, is it more likely worth, say, $10 billion or $20 billion? $7.5 billion or $22.5 billion?
Concentration Risk and Correlation
Or how banking in ‘08 in Charlotte might be like steel in Pittsburgh in ‘72
We think there is a market for specialized, retained consulting services in smaller markets. For example, financial firms in small markets often have difficulty — as evidenced by their long searches — finding experienced and knowledgeable workers willing to relocate to a town where the job in the local market might be unique. Instead, firms could hire a junior analyst with less specific knowledge and retain an out-of-town consultant to guide, train, and develop the less experienced, and more readily-available worker. In fact, considering relocation costs, the solution could be both more operationally-effective and more cost-effective, i.e., the expert’s knowledge and cost are not wasted on routine tasks or busy work.
This specific recruiting problem is an example of the general asset-specificity problem in economics, where without commitment and a long-term contracts, there is a first-mover disadvantage. The coal mine/railroad story is the canonical example. If the coal firm develops the mine before contracting with the railroad, the railroad can “hold up” the coal mine and attempt to extract the mine’s entire contribution (margin) before building a spur to the main line. If the railroad builds a spur prior to contracting, the coal mine will attempt to pay no more than the marginal cost per mile. That is when commitment via a long-term contract is beneficial.
When one is the only expert in the local market, one isn′t a monopolist when the maximum size of the potential market is a single customer. Given transfer taxes, real estate commissions, and moving costs, the expert has substantially less leverage as an employee, especially when he owns property, too.
How does this relate to concentration risk and correlation? We′ll get to that, but first we draw attention to today′s WSJ article about Charlotte, NC: A Tale of One City, Two Troubled Banks. We would imagine that without hefty signing bonuses and other guarantees, both Bank of America and Wachovia are finding it difficult to hire and relocate out-of-town specialists in Charlotte. (In fact, given our skeptical nature, unless the person were a hometown, homesick boy or girl, we would be suspicious of anyone willing to move at this time without such compensation.)
The impatient reader may agree, but may again ask: how does this relate to concentration risk and correlation? We′ll offer a fuller explanation below, but first we note that the WSJ article mentions that the two banks employ 34,000 in Charlotte, which has a population of about 630,000. We ask a simple arithmetic question: if the population is 630,000 and the banks either move or close and take all 34,000 jobs with them, what is the new population of Charlotte? Uhh, rephrased: what was the population in 1975?
To address the impatient reader’s question, we use the handy Socratic Method, to answer with a few questions of our own. (1) Of the 34,000 employees, how many of those individuals have home mortgages with either BoA or Wachovia? (2) Of the several hundred thousand citizens of the area who depend on the 34,000 for their livelihoods, how many of them have BoA or Wachovia mortgages? (3) Can the reader imagine that the values of these mortgages might be a tad bit correlated with each other? (4) Can the reader imagine that the values of these mortgages might then be related to each firm′s non-Charlotte mortgages and other assets, e.g., CMBS, et cetera? (5) At this point, does the concerned shareholder hope that these mortgages have been securitized, sold, and not repurchased? (6) Can the reader then imagine that this feedback loop could be unbelievably fast and have drastically negative implications? (7) Can anyone say “Lake Norman and Lake Wylie tsunamis?”
(8) Does the reader believe that either firm has considered this issue? (9) If the reader believes (or knows) that the firms have considered the effect of their other asset values on their own Charlotte mortgage values, then does he or she believe that they have considered the cross effect? For example, does he believe that Wachovia has prepared scenario analyses to measure their potential losses if BoA were to disappear or be sold and vice versa?
One would hope that anyone relocating to Charlotte would consider this issue, especially if one were to work in risk or balance sheet management. (Regarding the asset-specificity issues and adverse selection issues discussed above, if one didn’t attempt to elicit compensation for such risks, is one really qualified for such positions?)
Finally, does the dear reader believe that BoA′s and Wachovia′s counterparties — across their various trading activities — have considered these scenarios? If yes, is the reader serious?
A couple of notes:
- In an analogous case, we wonder whether prior to 9/11, group life insurance underwriters considered the effect of disasters befalling a single work place when setting rates? If anyone knows the answer to that question, please send it along. Of course, we also wonder if they consider it post 9⁄11.
- Our mention of adverse selection and skepticism at hiring someone willing to move reminds us of the Groucho Marx joke that every information economist, including yours truly, has beaten to death: Groucho claimed that he wouldn′t join a club that would have him as a member. (That’s like tenure at many places.)
- The last time we checked the population of Allegheny County had declined by 600,000 since 1970. Pittsburgh is the county seat, and from memory we estimate it has lost about half of that. (Don′t bother correcting us on the last estimate. We don′t care that much.)
