‘Valuation’ Category
Good (Late) News from the SEC
We Missed It a Few Months Ago
On the front page of the The ‘Money & Investing’ section of today’s edition of The Wall Street Journal, there is an article entitled, At SEC a Scholar Who Saw It Coming.
The article is about Henry Hu, who manages the newly-formed Risk, Strategy and Financial Innovation division at the SEC.
Though he sounds like a good guy, we don’t know much about Mr. Hu, but that’s not why we’re writing. It also mentions that in November, Mr. Wu hired Richard Bookstaber to lead staff training and data analysis, and that is a good thing. (The print version incorrectly identifies him as David Bookstaber.)
If you haven’t heard of Mr. Bookstaber, he has much knowledge and much experience working at large trading firms and hedge funds. In fact, he takes “partial credit” for a few of the past crises, including the Crash of 1987.
Mr. Bookstaber is also the author of the 2007 book, A Demon of Our Own Design, which discusses those crises, his roles in them, as well as his approach to risk (and uncertainty) management. We highly recommend the book to anyone in the financial services industry and within particular roles in other industries, too. For example, we recently recommended it to the chief of security at a large, U.S. based, multinational that operates factories and plants throughout the world.
In the book, Mr. Bookstaber makes the excellent point that overly-rigid or overly-complex risk monitoring and safety systems can actually increase the probability of failure and the loss given failure and discusses it both within and outside of financial services. (Recently, we made similar points in our analysis of intelligence failures and bad information system design.)
Besides reading the book, we also encourage our readers to visit Mr. Bookstaber’s blog, especially to read his testimony before Congress – the links in the right-hand column). It is well-written and not overly-technical.
Regarding risk and uncertainty management, Mr. Bookstaber makes points similar to ours, with the main intersection being that not every crisis is predictable, but thoughtfulness and contingency analysis goes a long way to mitigating crises. In fact, preparing (rather) general responses to possible, specific crises can prepare one for completely unknown ones, too. (See our essay on uncertainty management and almost any of our posts categorized as uncertainty or risk. By the way, we really like our post with the tongue-in-cheek title, The Role for Survivalists and Depressives in Uncertainty Management, because we think that personality traits like skepticism and pessimism are under-weighted and under-valued in most risk management hiring process.)
The best that we can tell, we tend to place more emphasis on stress-testing and scenario analysis than he does, but that’s because we think that imagination, like skepticism, is under-estimated, too.
One topic where we do disagree is his insistence that everyone (that matters) understands the limitations of the use of normal distributions in risk measures like VaR (Value at Risk). To explain, 2e’ll try to be concise but thorough but will err on the side of brevity.
It is well-known – though not wholly-agreed-upon – that assuming normality (or log-normality) mis-specifies models of returns, and we think that many ‘quants’ do know that, but they use those assumptions nonetheless, and that’s for a few reasons:
- There is no other choice, or no other tractable choice.
- Depending upon the context, it may not matter much.
- Ease of calculation and effort. (This is different than (1).)
- As a way to reduce measures of risk characteristics.
- Ease of communication to others.
We are very sympathetic to the first two reasons, and being somewhat lazy, we are also sympathetic to the third. However, the fourth reason hints at cynicism and greed and, depending upon who is using the measure, it can be very destructive. Also, if such assumptions are used for opportunistic reasons, that can indicate the traditional weakness of risk management vis-a-vis revenue-generating departments.
The fifth reason hints that maybe – just maybe – not everyone understands the calculations and assumptions and their flaws.
We have dealt with very high-level managers at very large firms who are quite ignorant of the basic characteristics of normal distributions. To their credit, a few were quite willing to admit as much. (They are the least harmful of the bunch.) But given those experiences, it is difficult to believe that most board directors understand the arithmetic; so, it is difficult to accept that all senior managers (at such firms) understand the calculations; so, it is difficult to believe that all other managers, traders, salesmen, and investors are knowledgeable and well-informed. (And, boy, could we tell you stories!) The fact that, as Mr. Bookstaber points out in his testimony, such topics appear in textbooks is a non sequitur.
When one combines cynicism with miscommunication – whether purposeful or not – there’s a good chance that the organization is bearing more uncertainty and risk that it imagines or measures, and that’s not good. So, that fact that “everyone knows” something – even if it that something is true – doesn’t mean that it’s not abused. For example, pick any vice that every “knows” is wrong but folks do it anyway. The abuse of illegal drugs and obesity are two analogous examples. (Oh, by the way, government regulation doesn’t seem to help much there, either.)
Finally – almost – these last two issues hint at incentive problems – both moral hazard and adverse selection – that exist within firms, and we’ve written extensively about that, too, e.g., Incentives and the Financial Crisis and many more.
In sum, while we have never met Mr. Bookstaber and likely never will, we are encouraged to see the SEC hire such a knowledgeable and wise person. We wish him the best in his new role. (We only wish that we would have done so a few months earlier.)
Where’s the Science?
Here’s a great sports– and science-related article in today’s edition of The Wall Street Journal: The Africans Are Hearing Footsteps. We think it’s great because it exposes what claims to be a “scientific” approach to long-distance training as something that seems to be quite the opposite, i.e., something that seems to be quite non-empirical.
The article describes how American long-distance, Kara Goucher, is successfully using “African” methods – which were, in fact, used by most Americans prior to the 1980’s – to train for marathons. As described, her method seems to focus more on running than on the measurement of various aspects of running. (We understand that one might argue that today she is in position to discard the methods that put her in that position, but we”ll ignore that point-of-view for the sake of argument.)
Anyway, the article reminds of of our favorite Einstein quotes: “Not everything that counts can be counted, and not everything that can be counted counts.”
Now, to be able to say anything about the subject in less than many, many pages, requires us to keep much constant and general. So, we’ll ignore issues like whether African runners are genetically superior as well as whether they are better motivated because, they’re, well, from Africa. (That seems to be the argument.) Moreover, we know that Ms. Goucher is a very small sample size of one, and we don’t follow running carefully enough to know about other runners who have switched training methods and have failed miserably.
However, given the little that we do know, it does seem that – at least at world-class, élite levels – there isn’t much empirical support for the rather technical approach that most American runners and running programs adopted in the 1980s and continue to use today.
More precisely, if the hypothesis is that comprehensive record-keeping, etc., improves running performance – as measured by world championships – then it seems that such a conjecture should be rejected. Again, there are any number of reasons why our criticism may be incorrect: perhaps the foreigners have been able to mask their use of performance enhancing drugs.
Regardless, our point is that making a process overly-quantitative and structured doesn’t make it the least bit “scientific.” It may make it abstruse and bureaucratic and, therefore, may obscure the real drivers of success and reasons for losses, especially when one (or many) take comfort in those calculations rather than actual performance.
Given our background and skills, we’re certainly not denigrating quantification, estimation, and the use of data or the advanced application of math, but – per our motto – we are saying that there should be thought before calculation and afterwards, too. In that respect, there is no difference between training for marathon running and valuation or risk management.
It is ironic that so much infrastructure is devoted to monitor daily performance and results, but there seems to be so little measurement and feedback (evaluation) of the efficacy of the infrastructure. Expensive training regimens that lead to decades of failure aren’t much different than “risk” management reporting processes that record terabytes of daily data and senselessly extrapolate things like daily volatilities and correlations to determine worst-case scenarios, yet left so many unprepared for the financial crisis.
In both cases, the system-wide feedback loops seem to be disconnected and dangling in the ether.
Wisdom in the Stock Market Crowd? Really?
Every Monday, L. Gordon Crovitz publishes his Information Age column in The Wall Street Journal.
We’ve mentioned his column several times – sometimes agreeing with him, but usually chiding and criticizing him.
We do like his intentions, which seem to be to introduce and describe new theories as they pertain to information and economics. Unfortunately, usually he isn’t able to write knowledgeably about these topics. By that we mean that he seems to have a journalist’s, or MBA’s, or pop-science reader’s depth (more precisely, shallowness) of understanding. So, he is often insufficiently uncritical – i.e., too accepting – of a particular hypothesis or example and its generality.
Today’s column, entitled Derivatives and the Wisdom of Crowds, provides an excellent case to illustrate his weakness.
If you are unfamiliar with the phrase, “The Wisdom of Crowds,” it’s the title of a pop-sci book, which you’re welcome to read about elsewhere. We thought it was boring and don’t recall being able or willing to finish it. If you’re unfamiliar with the topics, then perhaps its an interesting book with a few surprising and counter-intutive examples.
Prior to the book’s publication date, and in recent years, many economists have studied related notions, like equilibrium concepts, herding behavior and, per today’s article, various efficient market hypotheses. Like most notions in economics, herding behavior can lead to good or bad outcomes, and, of course, we recognize that we’re not being very precise in using terms like “good” or “bad.”
Efficient market theorists and their antagonists, behavioral economists, have been arguing their respective sides for many years.
We’re sympathetic to the efficient markets hypotheses, but there does seem to be substantial evidence in favor of investor irrationality (and in some cases, market manipulation). That’s why we’re writing today: to criticize the following paragraph:
This public disclosure could bring the wisdom of crowds — many investors processing information — to a new area of the market. Information about equities makes stock markets highly efficient, with prices quickly reflecting accumulated knowledge among investors. Disclosure of derivatives positions could likewise help make forecasting more accurate for more esoteric topics like interest rates, foreign-exchange movements and corporate credit risk.
He rightly uses the wishy-washy and non-committal “could” a few times, but we’re wondering about his or anyone else’s evidence for the second sentence. Equity prices are highly efficient we ask rhetorically? No kidding? The wide ride of the last 18 months – with values being cut almost in half – is evidence of efficient markets? The panic? The highly-leveraged computerized trading? The insider-trading? The behavior and misbehavior of many hedge funds? We could go on, but the Basenjis want a walk on a beautiful Spring afternoon; so, writing ad infinitum and nauseum will have to suffice.
Mr. Crovitz, for a number of reasons, it’s not clear that more information is necessarily better for society. You may want to read what we and others have written about transparency through the years. Here;s a very recent post where we discuss the issue and criticize you: Financial Reporting Transparency and Regulation.
We may edit and append this post later.
The Banks’ Mark-to-market Gains on Debt
How Much Have They “Gained” From Becoming Worth Less?
Since the beginning of April, when many large banks reported unexpected (or unexpectedly large) first-quarter profits, we’ve wondered what percentage of those profits could be attributed to the accounting rule that lets them recognize a gain because their own liabilities have become worth less. (We think “worth less” is the correct form, but for the extreme cases, it should indeed be “worthless.”)
We wrote about this issue of recognizing gains from losses in mid-December in our post Marking Debt to “Market” or Addition Through Subtraction. Basically, if creditors don’t want your bonds, the value of the securities decrease, and yields (and credit spreads) increase. Firms are allowed to recognize the fact that others view them as worth less as an unrealized gain to shareholders. (“Unrealized” means that no transaction occurred between the firm and its creditors.) It doesn’t seem to be a very compelling argument because as creditworthiness declines, equity values tend to do so, also. (Ask Citigroup.)
We wish we had more time, or at least more patience, to scan the banks’ first-quarter financial statements on their web sites, but based upon the sites we visited, it doesn’t seem that those gains (from becoming riskier and worth less) are something that banks want to publicize, separately identify, or explain. (You can’t blame them for that.)
In our brief on-line search this morning, we found this blog post, Mark-to-market’s strange accounting benefits for Citi and BofA, which notes that Citigroup’s gain – or at least part of the gain – was $2.5 billion but its overall net profit was only $1.6 billion, and Bank of America’s net gain because it was worth less was about half of its net profit of $4.2 billion. In the previous sentence, we wrote the qualifier – between the dashes – to emphasize that it’s possible that such gains were actually bigger but may have been split among different segments or categories. We looked at another bank’s first-quarter income statement, and it showed the combined, net, unrealized, gain on assets and liabilities of about $1.5 billion; so, it’s conceivable that it actually recognized a loss on assets of several billion and a gain on re-valuing/devaluing liabilities of a larger amount, which nets to the $1.5 billion or so. We ask: if that were the case, would the dear reader think better or worse of that particular bank?
Our hunch, based upon these few observations, is that bank stock prices would have decreased if these unrealized gains would have been reported explicitly for what they were/are. Generally, we’re agnostic about the benefits of transparency; however, this is one time when we wish that there was a bit more of it. (See our post, Gossamery Arguments for Transparency and Our Reply, from last November for why more transparency isn’t necessarily better.)
Today’s WSJ Reporting Errors per the Bank Stress Tests
Is that Really the Worst-Case?
Today’s front-page article in the The Wall Street Journal, Fed Sees Up to $599 Billion in Bank Losses, is subtitled “Worst-Case Capital Shortfall of $75 Billion at 10 Banks Is Less Than Many Feared; Some Shares Rise on Hopes Crisis Is Easing.”
While it is the worst of the two cases analyzed by the regulators, it is not the worst, reasonable case that could be imagined. Perhaps that’s why the shortfall was “Less Than Many Feared.”
- It’s reasonably possible for the downturn to be deeper and/or longer than considered. In fact, one could assign a reasonable, non-trivial probability to it.
- It’s possible – maybe even reasonably probable – that given the scenarios used, the banks (and the regulators) positively biased the valuation results. (Converting macro-economic assumptions into asset values is a highly speculative and subjective business – regardless of the number of calculations performed to generate those values.)
- It’s quite possible that a man-made or natural disaster could compound the economy’s problems and shave several additional percentage points off of GDP during the next two years. For example, we’ve written several times in recent weeks about the need for scenarios that include the effects of swine-flu pandemics, but large earthquakes in California, severe drought in the Midwest, and massive hurricanes and floods in the Southeast could be just as devastating. While none of them is likely, they’re all possible – even reasonably possible.
So, we ask, is that second case really the worst-case?
The Journal’s Narrative Fallacy
While we take issue with the subtitle of the above article, there’s another article in today’s The Wall Street Journal, How the Stress Tests Stopped the Market Bleeding, that’s even more dubious. In fact, the entire premise of it is flawed.
Does anyone other than the two credulous reporters believe the title to be the case? Geithner’s promise that none of the 19 would be allowed to fail may have had a bigger effect, but the stress tests themselves? The evidence for that is shamefully inadequate. So we ask: who are they trying to fool?
From our perspective, there’s nothing in the article to justify the title’s conclusion. In fact, our reference to it as a “Narrative Fallacy” is too generous, because if it were, there would be a sequence or set of facts that could be concocted to tell such a tale, but there doesn’t seem to be such a set, here. Instead, it seems more like a coincidence, i.e., it seems that one could easily argue that North Carolina winning the NCAA tournament had more of an effect or that the market decreased as temperatures cooled in the northern hemisphere and has begun to rise with the arrival of Spring’s warmer weather. Both of those “explanations” seem just as compelling.
As Nassim Nicholas Taleb has pointed out many, many times, such fallacious story-telling is all too common in the business press, where reporters constantly ascribe causes and reasons to daily (and hourly) changes in prices and indices.
Fortunately, the Paper Is Schizophrenic
By that we mean that unlike the reporting staff, the editorial page writers are a bit more skeptical about the benefits of the stress tests, in particular, and government involvement in the financial sector, in general. In their top Review and Outlook column today, Stress for Success?, they conclude: “The best that can be said about the stress tests is that they’re over.”
We think that’s a bit too harsh, but not by much. See our various posts about the stress tests. The next post lists a new complaint.
SCAP, The Government’s Naïve Stress Testing Exercise
Or, Is It the Naïve Government’s Stress Testing Exercise?
More Lack of Planning and Insight from Our Regulators and Government Officials
About one month ago – on April 7, to be precise – we asked, Where Will the Bank Stress Testing Exercise Lead?
In that post, we wrote that the tests could be designed one of three ways: (1) with a positive bias to ensure that all or almost all of the banks could pass the tests, (2) with no bias to get a honest — though not necessarily accurate — assessment of each bank’s financial condition (with accuracy constrained by the implicit and explicit assumptions built into the exercise), or (3) with a negative bias to ensure that most or all banks fail the test.
Given the various news reports that fourteen of the 19 banks may have “failed” the tests and that the fourteen have since been negotiated down to ten that may “require capital,” it doesn’t seem that the tests were designed or biased to generate positive results. In retrospect, it doesn’t seem that the economic assumptions were particularly negative – see We Can’t Subsidize the Banks Forever in today’s edition of The Wall Street Journal for evidence that first quarter economic activity and statistics were worse than projected in the exercise. Note, however, that if they were designed with a positive or optimistic bias, then the regulators who designed the Supervisory Capital Assessment Program (SCAP) wre/are horrendously clueless and incompetent, and that’s not outside the realm of possibility.
As we wrote last month, we can’t imagine anyone designing a negative bias into the tests; so, that means that, most likely, the government sought an “honest” though not necessarily accurate assessment of each bank’s ability to absorb additional losses.
That was and is problematic given the amount of publicity generated about the program. It would have been much better to perform the tests in total secrecy – in what appeared to be a disjointed, disorganized, ad hoc, and unsystematic manner to belie any sense that a thorough investigation or comprehensive and national approach was being undertaken. (They should have been standardized but secret tests with no publicity or acknowledgements of their existence.)
The three-day delay in announcing their findings shows that the regulators – the Fed, the OCC, etc – were unprepared for the results. As we wrote back then, there was no scenario analyses of the stress test outcomes. For examples, what will we do if fourteen banks require more capital, all nineteen, what about two giant ones, etc?
It’s another example of government officials being too rash and not thoughtful enough for their own – and the economy’s – sake. That’s why the road to hell is paved with good intentions.
When we find the time, we’ll expand this post later today or tomorrow, but the events of this week show that the government’s response to the Liquidity Crisis, which is, in fact, a crisis in confidence in financial intermediaries, is no more thoughtful than its reaction to the Mortgage Débâcle, and that panicked and over-publicized response created the Liquidity Crisis in the first place.
Please, folks, first “do no harm,” which means that you have to think before acting or calculating. Now where have you seen that before?
Swine Flu and Bank Stress Tests
Last week we wrote two related posts: A New Influenza Stress Test and Influenza Pandemic Stress Test, Part II. Both posts discuss the need for banks to perform stress tests/scenario analyses that incorporate the possible negative economic effects of a flu pandemic in additional to consideration of possible additional structural weaknesses (and shrinkage) in the economy.
In the second post, we mentioned a government study from a few years ago that estimated a five percent contraction in GDP if the USA faced a severe pandemic. (In our best Jack Nicholson/A Few Good Men courtroom-scene impersonation, we ask: is there any other kind of pandemic, Danny?)
In today’s edition of The Wall Street Journal, Robert J. Barro and Jose F. Ursula provide additional evidence of the possible negative effects of a pandemic in Pandemics and Depressions. In it they provide estimates of the historical costs of such outbreaks. Well worth reading.
We’ll have more to say about the stress tests in our next post. The past week’s events provide evidence to confirm one of our hypotheses from a post one month ago when we asked Where Will the Bank Stress Testing Exercise Lead?
Business Schools, Incentives, Uncertainty, and the Financial Crisis
What Should It Mean to Earn a Master’s Degree?
We don’t answer that question here, but shouldn’t one be required to master something?
It Was a Matter of Time
Since early October, we’ve wondered when we’d see the first editorial criticizing MBAs and business schools for their role in the ongoing financial crisis.1 In our mind, much of the blame should be shared between business types, i.e., MBAs, and so-called “quants,” with the majority of the blame placed on senior managers who permitted lax controls and misaligned incentives to exist.
We didn’t write about it when the thought originally occurred to us nor during the intervening six months-or-so, but we’ve been tempted to write on any number of occasions.
Two events occurred last week that motivated us to write today. First, our excellent, former TA, Bridget Ardoyno, wrote to us that she has been blogging at http://econmom.blogspot.com, and that reminded us of teaching MBAs (but in a good way).
The Main Shortcoming
The other event was the appearance of an excellent opinion column, How Business Schools Have Failed Business, in last Friday’s edition of The Wall Street Journal. The column, by Michael Jacobs, lists three main failings of business schools with respect to the teaching and the crisis, but in fact, his three are all examples of the lack of the quality instruction regarding control and incentives.2 Basically, incentive issues are a type of control problem that arise in decentralized organization, where subordinates are permitted a degree of autonomy to act as they see fit.
The Root Causes
There is much to like about Mr. Jacobs’s criticism of business schools. However, while we realize that editorial space is limited, he ignores the two main causes of the problems that he identifies: (1) poorly-prepared students, and (2) an over-emphasis on entertainment and teaching ratings that motivates instructors to offer simplistic lessons at the expense of substantive learning. The first is related to the pathetic undergraduate educations most folks receive and the second is, well, an example of an incentive problem. (We’ll get back to both of these below.)
Incentive Problems Are Easy to Identify, but Difficult to Solve
Incentives problems are as natural and as old as recorded history: everybody wants what they want. In the Old Testament, were Adam and Eve anything if not incentive problems? Cain? We could go, but there’s no reason. All of the individuals were free to act in a decentralized setting, and failed to live up to their responsibilities.
In the New Testament, Jesus discusses incentive problems on any number of occasions. Two of our favorites: (1) the parable of the faithful and unfaithful servants (Luke 12:41 — 48) and (2) the parable of the good shepherd, (John 10:11 — 13). All consider the fallen nature of man and his (completely natural) selfish behavior.
That being said, there is not a more complex topic to address in business schools – or any type of school, for that matter – than incentives. That’s because the topic involves social (or multi-party) situations where one needs to be able to predict how another party will respond autonomously and freely to control mechanisms like compensation schemes.
Many of our readers already know that decisions can be categorized as games against nature – single-person decision-theory – and games against others, i.e., game theory. Generally – though not precisely – one can think of the investigations in the natural sciences as examples of single-person decisions and investigations in the social sciences as examples of multi-person decisions, e.g., how does one respond to a survey so how should the researcher interpret that response?
Incentive or agency problems – and information economics problems in general – can often be modeled mathematically using game theory or similar methods. In many of these problems of interest to business students, one decision-maker – say, the superior or principal – is attempting to maximize his own expected satisfaction or profits while ensuring that (1) the other person – the subordinate or agent – is willing to participate with him (in the social setting like a firm or organization) and (2) with full knowledge that the subordinate or agent will do what’s best for himself.
Those two conditions – participation and incentive-compatibility – constrain the principal’s ability to maximize his own expected satisfaction, and the latter problem is especially vexing to solve because it means that one of principal’s constraints is the other person’s optimization problem. How do you do what’s best for yourself while realizing that the other person is also behaving opportunistically (by doing what’s best for himself)?
Objectively modeling these issues as mathematical problems tends to require a rather high level of sophistication, and solving the resultant problem – or even knowing when a mathematical solution exists – requires an even greater understanding of advanced calculus, optimization, real analysis, and other mathetical theories and techniques.3
Very few MBA students are prepared to tackle those topics (and their applications) at that level of understanding.
Our Root Causes, Again
A larger set of students can handle simplified illustrations and examples of problems that tend to be more numerical in nature. Often, when taught in conjunction with a math software program, they can gain a keen understanding of the subtle issues that arise in the study of incentives, e.g., paying more for more output isn’t necessarily optimal nor incentive-compatible.4
Unfortunately, the root causes that we identified above – ignorance and selfishness/greed – make it difficult for most instructors to offer and successfully teach such a course to MBA students.
We’ll emphasize the students’ ignorance and not the instructors’; instead, we’ll focus on their selfishness.
Most MBA students are poorly prepared to think clearly, abstractly, and quantitatively, and that makes it a challenge to teach them either (1) quantitative subjects or (2) topics that can be effectively modeled, illustrated, or explained in a quantitative manner.
Incentive problems fall into the latter category. (What we’d call) simple mathematical or numerical models provide (by definition) abstract illustrations of particular phenomena and behaviors. They’re rarely solutions to real world problems.
Most MBA students are not sophisticated enough to handle that distinction; they want recipes, not thought processes, and recipes are easier to teach and grade. It’s not because the students are stupid, but it often is because they were poorly-trained as undergraduates and in require, core classes. Per Mr. Jacobs’s essay, there’s generally not much evidence of profs teaching compensation-related recipes in business schools because of the lack of relevant incentive-related courses. Thatt’s evidence of absence (of the courses), rather than an absence of evidence.
There’s much more evidence of that behavior in finance classes, where students want recipes for valuation. They’ll take abstract models, with either unrealistic assumptions or very, very specialized assumptions and unwittingly (and unknowingly) treat them as very practical and precise methods that calculate the one true value of the thing.
Unfortunately, they’re often encouraged to do so by their professors because it’s much easier to teach numerical – though irrelevant or mis-specified – recipes than it is to teach (and grade) thought processes.
In fact, that tendency to dumb-down teaching even extends to some faculty members’ research agendas. During our academic career, we attended any number of seminars where we heard the presenter justify his or her overly-simplistic and vacuous model by arguing that “we want to be able to explain it to MBA students.”
Imagine if medical research were conducted in the same manner? Or any serious field of inquiry for that matter?
From our perspective, it’s completely ass-backwards (and, in fact, its presence goes partially to explain why we’re in the private sector, today).
In an ideal words, the pedagogical emphasis would be on educating the students by attempting to pull-them-up to a level that they had not anticipated nor even known existed, and not presenting dumb-downed “research” papers for entertainment or pretense, but, hey, the latter alternative is easy, and one can generally garner higher teaching ratings by not challenging the students, especially if that perspective and technique is pervasive within the school. (We knew any number of faculty members at very expensive and seemingly prestigious institutions who would provide “sample” or “practice” exams before test dates – the actual exams would have slightly-changed numbers; who would schedule frequent guest speakers because “the students like it (and we don’t have to prepare);” and would show videos of factories or whatever once per week because, again, “the students like it (and we don’t have to prepare).” (Geez, it’s almost enough to make one cynical.)
Anyway, that combination of poor preparation of most students and the misaligned incentives of b-school professors make true learning about these thorny and difficult (social) problems, which all firms and organizations face, nearly impossible to achieve.
Why It’s Difficult to Teach about Incentives Issues
It’s not just the mathematical nature of the most compelling models of incentives that makes teaching difficult. It’s also because the problems are not particularly robust. By that we mean, illustrations and examples must be carefully (and empathetically) constructed, or they’re either (1) extremely stupid and un-insightful, or (2) extremely specialized, detailed, and so qualified (by assumptions) that they need a very high degree of mathematical understanding to comprehend and solve (and they end-up saying very little, anyway).
The fertile middle ground requires instructors and students to possess a rather high level of economic reasoning and strong math skills. We’ll avoid criticizing instructors, here, but unfortunately, many MBA programs have de-emphasized, eliminated, or consolidated microeconomics courses, and those courses are (or were) the best place to develop the requisite level of economic reasoning. In those courses and well-designed incentives courses, there is no substitute for a lot of hard work.
By the way, we unsuccessfully tried to establish just such a Control & Incentives course at our last academic employer, but there were no required econ courses and only a few very motivated, very curious, or previously-trained students would enroll in the elective. (Too much work!) As a public service, we’ll attempt to put that course material on-line in the near future.
But Difficulty Is Really No Excuse
It’s up to trustees and deans to ensure that schools and professors educate MBAs, rather than attempt to be “popular.” That’s true at both the individual level and the sum of the individual levels, i.e., the school level, where administration’s allow themselves to be subjected to the whims of Business Week writers and survey respondents. As a faculty member, we won our share of teaching awards while trying to do the right thing; so, there’s no sour grapes here, and we know that it can be done; however, we suspect that the short-term emphasis will not change. There’s too much inertia and very little confidence.
From our selfish perspective, it’s not as bad as it seems because that general failure to learn and teach presents many opportunities for consultants who understand both incentives and risk – people like ourselves. (We’ve written extensively about both issues, especially as they pertain to the current financial crisis. Please search the archives if you’re interested. Our Illustrations discuss many of these issues, too.)
Are you sure that your firm or organization isn’t about to do something stupid with incentive pay or clawbacks or whatever?
We’ll likely continue to revise and edit this post in the near future. (It’s long and there’s probably a few typos, but then TQM is rarely optimal.)
Copyright © 2009 Spero Consulting.
Footnotes:
- Admittedly, we haven’t searched very hard for evidence, but we knew we’d eventually see at least one. The only questions were: (1) when, and (2) would it be correct? ↩
- See our essay, Our Control Framework, for how we define these terms. ↩
- Nitpickers: we could have listed these and other fields any number of ways. ↩
- When we taught, we were very partial to Mathcad because of its WYSIWYG interface and because it wasn’t too much nor too little. It allowed motivated and curious students to solve rather challenging constrained optimization problems. ↩
The Supervisory Capital Assessment Program
Update: We have several newer posts on this topic, including a few on the need to include the effects of a potential swine flu epidemic on GDP in the scenario analyses and this one: SCAP, The Government’s Naïve Stress Testing Exercise.
We read the SCAP document published on the Federal Reserve web site. It describes the government’s stress testing régime for the nation’s 19 largest banks. It’s all very interesting. (Well, not really.)
However, we thought the most interesting sentence in the document was this one from the second paragraph on the first page: “A need for additional capital or a change in composition of capital to build a buffer under an economic scenario that is more adverse than expected is not a measure of the current solvency or viability of the firm.” (We added the italics.)
Uhh, do you think it would have been nice for the regulators to have requested confidential, private liquidity and solvency-related stress tests to start with? (Maybe they did, and they’re not telling anyone.)
So, we ask, exactly what is the point of the SCAP exercise? (We’ve asked that before.)
The notion of capital being any kind of buffer only makes sense in a trading portfolio with completely liquid assets, i.e., take your upfront cash (capital), buy Treasuries, repo them, take the proceeds, buy more Treasuries, repo them, and continue leveraging as long as you can… Even in that case, the capital isn’t quite a buffer for creditors, especially as the leverage increases.
With typical illiquid bank loans and other such unmarketable investments, the notion that the level of book value of common equity provides a “buffer” or “cushion” is vacant, i.e., that it is some measure of liquidation value if the firm’s solvency is questioned. (Even with liquid assets, if other traders know that a portfolio must be liquidated, then the amount of capital invested is then the maximum, limited-liability loss during the feeding frenzy, and is not the net liquidation value.)
For new readers, it’s worth noting that we’ve written about the government’s stress test on a few occasions – most recently on April 7 in Where Will the Bank Stress Testing Exercise Lead? (If you read that post, you’ll understand why we recommend confidential, private (seemingly) random or ad hoc requests by regulators for liquidity and solvency stress tests – nothing formal, standardized, or comprehensive that would indicate such a policy or investigation actually existed. There’s no reason to raise needlessly suspicions by announcing such a program.)
In addition, we have written about the silliness of capital ratios a few times, also – in both last week’s aptly-named post, More Capital Ratio Silliness, and March Madness: New Bank Capital Requirements from Saint Patrick’s Day. Other than possibly, tenuously construing the excepted sentence above from the SCAP document as an admission of irrelevancy (given what should be the true and important issue of interest during a liquidity crisis), we saw nothing in the SCAP document that notices or discusses the test’s deficiencies, particularly the short-coming of emphasizing book capital at the expense of something real. That might be a good thing – if the regulators understand the weaknesses and consciously eliminated that discussion. However, it’s a bad thing if they don’t understand or couldn’t identify those short-comings.
Oh, well. Let’s pray for good luck for these firms and the economy.
P.S. We may continue to edit this post tomorrow or in the near future.
More Capital Ratio Silliness
The Irrelevance of Book Equity and Capital Ratios
Last month we wrote March Madness: New Bank Capital Requirements. In that, we stated: “We’ve always thought that such requirements were stupid and provided a false sense of security: kind of like ducking and covering under one’s school desk as practice and preparation for a nuclear explosion.”
We also provided an example from an old merger of two rust belt firms. At the time of the merger, the firms had combined book values of $2.0 billion ($2,000 million) but combined market values of about $300 million. At its theoretical best, book value represents net expected future benefits from past transactions or events, whereas market value represents net expected future benefits from all transactions and events – both past and anticipated. In the rust-belt merger example, at the time, equity investors had concluded that the future would be bleak, and it turned out to be, but also at the time, no loan covenants were breached.
We think that’s worth restating because on Monday, Bank of America reported common shareholders’ equity of $166 billion, yet finance.google.com reports that the market value of common stock was about $50 billion. Now, exactly how relevant is the book value of $166 billion when investors value the firm at less than one-third of it? We’d say, “not very.”
Think about it. Do you care if your house has a net book value of $166,000 if its net market value is $50,000. Or, ignoring tax-planning implications, do you care if your leveraged portfolio has a book value of $166,000 if it can be liquidated for $50,000? Would you make decisions based upon the actual net equity of $50,000 or the reported net equity of $166,000? What do you think that, say, potential creditors would consider when offering financing? Moreover, what would you want them to consider if those creditors were acting as agents for you? There may be regulatory implications to the book values, but it seems that investors have concluded that those regulations (and all of the subsidies) haven’t provided enough stability or value to secure their residual interests.
Also, realize that B of A’s net book value is greater because its liabilities are worth less than they were, which is not quite completely worthless. The prices for claims on the gross assets have declined. These are the silly, unrealized accounting gains are shown as resulting from increases in credit spreads. In B of A’s case, they recognized at least $2.2 billion of them in the first quarter although it was probably more. (We wrote about this topic in December in Marking Debt to “Market” or Addition Through Subtraction.
By the way, and of course, B of A is not alone with its imbalance between its lower net market value and its much higher net accounting value. In fact, Citi’s ratio of market-to-book equity ratio is substantially smaller. And remember, that’s despite the hundreds of billions of dollars of guarantees made by the U.S. government on Citigroup’s behalf.
Will University Endowments See Additional Losses?
With Private Equity and other Illiquid Investments, then most likely, Yes.
We’ve written about university endowments on a few occasions, with Set an Example, Mr. Cohon! being the most recent. While we’re fond of just about everything we write, in this subset of posts, we particularly like our analogy of investing and bicycling in The Harvard-Yale-CALPERS Cycling Club. In fact, we’ll probably extend it when we have the opportunity.
An article in this past Saturday’s Tribune-Review, Carnegie Mellon loses $300 million in investments, reminded us of an important fact that we haven’t mentioned before, and that relates to the difficulty for investors of illiquid assets to estimate their losses in a timely fashion. Given the recent end of the first-quarter, it seems like a worthwhile time to mention this fact (although while the Carnegie Mellon article spurred us to write, we haven’t checked to see the size of CMU’s investments in private equity.)
First, recall that many universities crowed that there endowments had lost less than the general “markets” as of last June 30. Other than superior investing ability or good fortune, there is another possible explanation for that phenomenon, which will likely now hurt them.
By now, just about everyone who would visit this page understands the issues related to mark-to-market accounting – mainly that there are very few deep and liquid markets with current, reliable prices; so, the book value that is supposed to be a “mark-to-market price” is often an internal mark-to-model calculation or external quote from a friend. Those calculations may or may not represent anything other than the application of a formula or algorithm, and a quote from a friend is just that – a friendly quote, but that’s not today’s topic.
Instead, consider one of the grossest absurdities of investing life: a frequent accounting treatment for private equity. By definition, if it’s private equity there is no market and no market price, yet often it must be “marked” to it.
While that’s problematic – actually it’s just plain stupid and contradictory – that’s not the larger problem with which certain endowments may now have face. The bigger problem is that the endowment may report the “values” of certain private equity funds on a three-to-six month lag – depending upon when the reports are sent and when your investment committee meets to review and accept them.
So, imagine that you are an endowment investment officer and like many others, you’ve invested in a private equity fund or two or three, because, hey, at the time, there didn’t seem to be much risk and the historical and projected returns looked great. (Well, that’s what the salesmen and consultants said, and they’re alumni or their fathers are on the board of trustees or whatever.)
Sometime in May, as a fund investor, you’ll receive fund statements with values as of December 31 or even earlier, and you’ll have to re-mark the endowment values to those reported values.
Does the reader think that those private equity fund values may show declines? Except in very rare cases, we’d think that values would have had to decline – in some cases substantial declines – especially given those “as-of” dates. Or, does the reader think that such deferred losses have been anticipated and communicated to fund investors? In our mind, that would be a very hopeful outlook, especially if the private equity fund manager had made capital calls during in the interim, i.e., asked investors to fund their remaining contractual commitments. In that case, the fund managers would have had very little incentive to share additional and precise bad news with their investors.
So, given the lag, if such projections haven’t been provided to endowments and accepted by them, then anticipate endowments with private equity holdings to realize additional losses in the very near future – most likely during the second quarter of 2009, which for many, is the last quarter of their fiscal year. We doubt that other illiquid investments fared much better or are marked more frequently; so, expect a reversal of last June’s (relatively) good fortune.
