‘Credit’ Category
This Isn’t Good News for CMBS Holders and Erstwhile Pipelines
We occasionally write about CMBS or Commercial Mortgage-backed Securities and the CMBX index. For example, last November, we wrote CMBS Is Like Lumpy MBS and That’s Not Good. We tend to get more hits on our tongue-in-cheek post, How to Trade CMBS? and find that a bit scary.
What should truly frighten both CMBS holders and banks with large commercial-mortgage loan portfolios more than our discussion of our page rankings is this article in Saturday’s edition of The Wall Street Journal: Hotels Deliver Some ‘Jingle Mail.’ The article details how hotel owners are walking away from highly-mortgaged properties and how delinquency rates for securitized hotel loans are almost ten times higher than they were one year ago – about 4.75%.
We suspect that banks that were erstwhile structurers and had accumulated an inventory of such loans (for later bundling that has not yet materialized) may face even larger problems.
Using the logic that the last loans made before the bubble burst are likely to be less creditworthy than earlier ones, we suspect that the delinquency rates for those loans that didn’t make it into a CMBS pool before the market collapsed could be even higher than the nearly five-percent rate mentioned above.
Moreover, while we’d argue that any claimed diversification benefit of CMBS was grossly overstated, there is absolutely no diversification benefit from holding the entire loan. Those banks and structurers that are stuck holding those loans bear the entire risk of default. In some ways, it reminds us of a very expensive adaptation of the game, musical chairs. (CDOs and CDOs squared, etc., are reminiscent of “hot potato” or blind folks tossing raw eggs back-and-forth.)
Finally, we would be surprised if former structurers and banks with clogged pipelines didn’t report higher credit losses in the second half of this year. If they don’t, we will wonder whether regulators are being particularly loose in supervising how those banks calculate their loan reserves.(At this point, we suspect those loans are no longer “held-for-sale,” but have been reclassified into the regular loan portfolio.)
We hope that the financial crisis, which seems to have subsided, has actually subsided. However, we have a sneaking suspicion that it may be personified by Mark Twain’s famous quote about how the report of his death was greatly exaggerated. This is one indication that it’s not over.
The Banks’ Mark-to-market Gains on Debt
How Much Have They “Gained” From Becoming Worth Less?
Since the beginning of April, when many large banks reported unexpected (or unexpectedly large) first-quarter profits, we’ve wondered what percentage of those profits could be attributed to the accounting rule that lets them recognize a gain because their own liabilities have become worth less. (We think “worth less” is the correct form, but for the extreme cases, it should indeed be “worthless.”)
We wrote about this issue of recognizing gains from losses in mid-December in our post Marking Debt to “Market” or Addition Through Subtraction. Basically, if creditors don’t want your bonds, the value of the securities decrease, and yields (and credit spreads) increase. Firms are allowed to recognize the fact that others view them as worth less as an unrealized gain to shareholders. (“Unrealized” means that no transaction occurred between the firm and its creditors.) It doesn’t seem to be a very compelling argument because as creditworthiness declines, equity values tend to do so, also. (Ask Citigroup.)
We wish we had more time, or at least more patience, to scan the banks’ first-quarter financial statements on their web sites, but based upon the sites we visited, it doesn’t seem that those gains (from becoming riskier and worth less) are something that banks want to publicize, separately identify, or explain. (You can’t blame them for that.)
In our brief on-line search this morning, we found this blog post, Mark-to-market’s strange accounting benefits for Citi and BofA, which notes that Citigroup’s gain – or at least part of the gain – was $2.5 billion but its overall net profit was only $1.6 billion, and Bank of America’s net gain because it was worth less was about half of its net profit of $4.2 billion. In the previous sentence, we wrote the qualifier – between the dashes – to emphasize that it’s possible that such gains were actually bigger but may have been split among different segments or categories. We looked at another bank’s first-quarter income statement, and it showed the combined, net, unrealized, gain on assets and liabilities of about $1.5 billion; so, it’s conceivable that it actually recognized a loss on assets of several billion and a gain on re-valuing/devaluing liabilities of a larger amount, which nets to the $1.5 billion or so. We ask: if that were the case, would the dear reader think better or worse of that particular bank?
Our hunch, based upon these few observations, is that bank stock prices would have decreased if these unrealized gains would have been reported explicitly for what they were/are. Generally, we’re agnostic about the benefits of transparency; however, this is one time when we wish that there was a bit more of it. (See our post, Gossamery Arguments for Transparency and Our Reply, from last November for why more transparency isn’t necessarily better.)
More Capital Ratio Silliness
The Irrelevance of Book Equity and Capital Ratios
Last month we wrote March Madness: New Bank Capital Requirements. In that, we stated: “We’ve always thought that such requirements were stupid and provided a false sense of security: kind of like ducking and covering under one’s school desk as practice and preparation for a nuclear explosion.”
We also provided an example from an old merger of two rust belt firms. At the time of the merger, the firms had combined book values of $2.0 billion ($2,000 million) but combined market values of about $300 million. At its theoretical best, book value represents net expected future benefits from past transactions or events, whereas market value represents net expected future benefits from all transactions and events – both past and anticipated. In the rust-belt merger example, at the time, equity investors had concluded that the future would be bleak, and it turned out to be, but also at the time, no loan covenants were breached.
We think that’s worth restating because on Monday, Bank of America reported common shareholders’ equity of $166 billion, yet finance.google.com reports that the market value of common stock was about $50 billion. Now, exactly how relevant is the book value of $166 billion when investors value the firm at less than one-third of it? We’d say, “not very.”
Think about it. Do you care if your house has a net book value of $166,000 if its net market value is $50,000. Or, ignoring tax-planning implications, do you care if your leveraged portfolio has a book value of $166,000 if it can be liquidated for $50,000? Would you make decisions based upon the actual net equity of $50,000 or the reported net equity of $166,000? What do you think that, say, potential creditors would consider when offering financing? Moreover, what would you want them to consider if those creditors were acting as agents for you? There may be regulatory implications to the book values, but it seems that investors have concluded that those regulations (and all of the subsidies) haven’t provided enough stability or value to secure their residual interests.
Also, realize that B of A’s net book value is greater because its liabilities are worth less than they were, which is not quite completely worthless. The prices for claims on the gross assets have declined. These are the silly, unrealized accounting gains are shown as resulting from increases in credit spreads. In B of A’s case, they recognized at least $2.2 billion of them in the first quarter although it was probably more. (We wrote about this topic in December in Marking Debt to “Market” or Addition Through Subtraction.
By the way, and of course, B of A is not alone with its imbalance between its lower net market value and its much higher net accounting value. In fact, Citi’s ratio of market-to-book equity ratio is substantially smaller. And remember, that’s despite the hundreds of billions of dollars of guarantees made by the U.S. government on Citigroup’s behalf.
Calculating Counterparty Credit Reserves
Implied Risk Neutral Default Rates Versus Historical Default Rates
For some problems, there is no good or true solution, but something must be done or estimated. Such is the case with calculating credit reserves because real default rates can never be known, but risk-neutral implied or historical default rates can be calculated and used, but both are flawed.
Generally, when we discuss this topic, we have reduced-form models in mind (as opposed to structural ones, but there’s no shortage of assumptions in structural models, either).
We’ve written about implied default rates on several occasions, and we recently had a conversation with someone who mentioned that for trading credit reserve calculations, regulators are requiring firms to use implied default rates from risk-neutral pricing models rather than historical default rates. To be precise, these implied default rates would be derived/inferred from CDS (credit default swap) prices using risk-neutral models and any number of quite arbitrary assumptions.
Presumably, given recent high prices for protection – the credit default swaps – implied defaults rates are substantially higher than historical rates, and the regulators are just trying to be “conservative.” Oh well, so much for our motto of thought before calculation.
Now, it’s true that for all else equal, if investors are risk-averse, implied, risk neutral default rates will always be greater than actual default rates, and the “more” risk-averse investors are, the higher the implied, risk-neutral, probability of default. There’s a variety of ways it can be stated, but using CDS prices, we can roughly say that for a fixed gamble with a fixed probability of default, the more risk-averse the insurer, the higher the price required to compensate him for bearing that risk, the higher the price of guaranteeing default, the higher the risk-neutral probability of default.
As we mentioned above, in the real-world, actual (future) rates are never known, but sometimes, historical default rates can be used as proxies for actual rates, especially if the analyst believes that the environment is unchanged. Below, we’ll briefly explain why we think that is preferable to use implied, risk-neutral default rates.1
Estimating a Credit Reserve
Like a loan-loss reserve, which is a bank’s estimate of the expected loss of default by its borrowers, a trading organization must also calculate a credit reserve for its trades. For trading, that means making a guess or estimate of the expected loss associated with default (by the counterparty) when the trade is in one’s favor.2
Conditional Expected Values
Roughly, that means to calculate a credit reserve, it’s necessary to determine when the trade is in one’s favor and then assume or estimate the probabilities of that occurring over the life of the trade.3
By knowing that range of winning values and using estimates of the probabilities of those values, one can then calculate the conditional expected gain from the trade – the average trading gain given that one has gained (and not lost). (We’re thinking of a a discrete-time, single-period problem here.)
Ignoring collateral agreements for the moment, which would reduce the potential credit exposure when one is ahead, the conditional expected value represents the average amount that the other party will owe at the end of the trade (if it owes anything).
So, that conditional expected value is a reasonable estimate of the credit exposure at, say, the end of the accounting period. It’s very similar to the estimated utilization of a credit line at a future date, which is needed to calculate a loan-loss provision and reserve. Whether for loans or trades, one needs to estimate the exposure at default, which those in the industry abbreviate as EAD.
EADs, LGDs, and PDs
Once that expected exposure at default is estimated, one needs two more estimated values to calculate the counterparty credit reserve (for a single trade): the probability of default (PD) and the loss given default (LGD) rate.
The product of the three – the (EAD × LGD rate) × PD – is the reserve for that trade.4 Also, note that the product of the first two terms is the (expected) lost given default.
For completely collateralized trades, the loss given default is nearly zero. There are some timing issues, so sharp changes in values and the lags in posting collateral could create a small chance of loss, but that’s a relatively small level of exposure compared to a similar but uncollateralized trade.5
In the past, institutional LGD rates were particularly difficult to estimate because there were so few observations of bankruptcies of firms within particular industries and of particular sizes. (By the way, it’s worth noting that there is some evidence that banks recover more than bond-holders – banks are better organized for the contingency – so they have lower LGD rates.)
Now, because LGD rates are difficult to estimate, they’re usually assumed. With an assumption about the LGD rate, one can then solve for the default rate in most risk-neutral models. For more on this topic, please see our post from last summer: Implied Default Probabilities and Risk Neutral Models, particularly the graph that shows a simple relationship between the LGD rate and the implied default rate (in a simple model).
Now we have enough to compare two options for proxies of default rates that firms can use to calculate credit reserves.
Of course, and to reiterate, we’d like to know the actual, true default rate during some future period for a firm, but we can never know that for sure. (Actually, we’d like to know if the trade is a winner and whether the counterparty will default.) In fact, for a single firm, after that future period, we’ll know if the firm defaulted or not, but we won’t know the true probability of default, and even with a cross-section of firms, we’ll be able to calculate a realized average rate, but that will be only one possible average rate, not the true average rate so-to-speak. So, we can estimate (1) a historical average default rate across firms, which may or may not be stationary and/or meaningful, or (2) an implied default rate, which depends upon any number of assumptions, including an assumption about the LGD rate, and which–by definition–is hypothetical and does not reflect reality.
Which One is Better?
Of the two, we’d prefer to use actual observed rates rather than implied, risk-neutral rates. Why? For a few reasons. First, there are settings in which the observed historical default rate is a reasonably proxy of the unknown, “true” default rates. That’s never the case with risk-neutral, implied default rates, which could only equal “true” rates if investors were risk-neutral, which they are not. (Some of our related posts provide examples of this difference. They are stark and easy to follow.)
Second, the credit reserve is supposed to represent the expected loss – or discounted expected loss in a multi-period setting – not the price of the expected loss. (Risk neutral models permit prices to be viewed as expected values, rather than as expected utilities (of unknown utility functions). That’s the benefit of risk-neutral models; they “simplify” the math.) By definition, the reserve is the bank’s best guess of its expected loss over some time horizon. It’s not the price the bank would pay to eliminate default risk. Those are two clearly separate notions, and the difference would be the risk premium.
Third, as we mentioned two paragraphs above, using observed or historical rates does require assumptions about the validity of the past representing the future. That’s a huge problem – the Problem of Induction – but in our mind that’s cleaner – and more likely to remain in one’s mind – than are the many additional, specific, mathematical assumptions to derive/infer risk-neutral default rates, the LGD.
As we mentioned at the beginning of the post, there’s no good solution, but we think that using historical rates is the better solution. We think that when others disagree it’s because they think that implied, risk-neutral rates are more than the really are, i.e., the “market’s” estimate of default rates – not the “market’s” estimate of default rates under a risk-neutral measure, which means that they’re hypothetical, not real.
We’ll likely edit this post during the next few days.
Copyright © 2009 Spero Consulting.
Footnotes:
- Here’s a common fallacy in the field: often, to solve a challenging and interesting problem, it’s necessary to perform a large number of tedious and possibly complicated calculations. However, performing a bunch of tedious and possibly complicated calculations does not ensure that an interesting or challenging problem has been solved. Too often, folks confuse the two. ↩
- We’re thinking of a simple formula for a single counterparty rather than for a portfolio. ↩
- That’s true regardless of the nature of the underlying or traded variable, i.e., equity prices, interest rates, commodities, etc. Note, that we’ll ignore the whole problem of finding these probabilities, which follows a process similar to finding implied default probabilities. Likewise, we’ll assume that default probabilities are unrelated to the gain from the trade and probability that the trade is in one’s favor – that the gains and counter-party default probabilities are independent. ↩
- Remember, we’re considering a very simple, single-period case and ignoring discounting. If it’s a multi-period setting, the problem isn’t much different, but there is more discounting, multiplication, and addition. See Good Column, Bad Math for a discussion of analogous probabilities through time. ↩
- In addition, any entity guaranteed by the government would have a LGD rate of nearly zero. It could be slightly positive if it took a long time to be made whole. ↩
And You Thought We Were Depressing
Responding to our request for comments in yesterday’s post, Happy Anniversary to…Us!, a reader from Australia pointed us to an excellent and quite comprehensive article in May’s edition of The Atlantic Monthly. (Thanks Steven.)
The article is entitled “The Quiet Coup,” and was written by Simon Johnson, an econ prof at MIT and the former Chief Economist at the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Fortunately, as you can tell by the link, the article is freely available from The Atlantic’s web site.1
Mr. Johnson seems to be a very smart man with vast and useful experience and knowledge, and he uses his background and skills to frame the current economic crisis in a very interesting way.
In much of the article, he treats the US as a potential IMF client, and analyzes the situation the same way he would (or has) viewed emerging market countries faced by similar crises, particularly with respect to the interactions of the country’s oligarchy and the government. However, he does recognize that the US is different.
“Of course, the U.S. is unique. And just as we have the world’s most advanced economy, military, and technology, we also have its most advanced oligarchy.”
We’ve talked about crony capitalism on several occasions, and Mr. Johnson brings several insights to light. (We define others’ insights as things we haven’t thought, yet, or things that took us a long time to figure out.)
Needless to say, if you like our analyses of and prescriptions for the mortgage débâcle and liquidity crisis, then you’ll like his, too. (If your new to our site, sample our categories and archives for related content. There are vast quantities of it.) For example, he writes:
“…This is what Ben Bernanke, the man who succeeded him, said in 2006: “The management of market risk and credit risk has become increasingly sophisticated. … Banking organizations of all sizes have made substantial strides over the past two decades in their ability to measure and manage risks.”
Of course, this was mostly an illusion. Regulators, legislators, and academics almost all assumed that the managers of these banks knew what they were doing. In retrospect, they didn’t…”
and,
“To break this cycle, the government must force the banks to acknowledge the scale of their problems. As the IMF understands (and as the U.S. government itself has insisted to multiple emerging-market countries in the past), the most direct way to do this is nationalization…”
The entire article is well worth reading, and viewing the crisis through the prism of an IMF economist provides fresh insights that few can offer.
- There is something a bit special about someone sitting between the Indian and Pacific Oceans and pointing us toward the Atlantic. Or, maybe we’re just silly. ↩
Financial Reporting Transparency and Regulation
There are two related essays in the editorial section of today’s (March 30) edition of The Wall Street Journal regarding government oversight and regulation that are worth mentioning: Welcome, Businessmen, to Government Oversight and Transparency Is More Powerful Than Regulation. We’ll mention the suffocating nature of regulations and then discuss the more interesting topic last, including our own work of using XML-based systems and tags for (internal) management information systems, which relates to the discussion of XBRL systems in the second column.
Suffocating Regulations and Bureaucracy
Is there any other kind? Well, yes. As we see it, regulation is either suffocating or ineffective, and the former often has a crushing feel about it. Like modern digital television sets, government regulators seem to have no “fine-tuning” dial; it’s generally one extreme or the other: either there’s “NO EXCEPTIONS” or “it’s all good, do what you want.”
Victoria Toensing discusses that overbearing weight of the government in Welcome, Businessmen, to Government Oversight in which she highlights, among other indignities, the silliness of government offices unable to accept small gifts like cherry pies. Our guess is that she has spent most of her life in public service and doesn’t appreciate how similarly bureaucratic large corporations can be, but that’s besides the point because much – although not all – of that corporate bureaucracy is induced by government regulation.
We’ve discussed both negative aspects of regulation in numerous posts although we tend to highlight ineffectiveness because it has been very obvious in the current financial crisis and the mortgage débâcle that preceded (and which continues to coincide with) it. For example, on Saturday we wrote The Cure is Worse than the Disease, which criticizes Mr. Geithner’s proposed financial system regulations.1 We fear the suffocation to come.
Generally, we favor decentralized government and much prefer decentralized working environments, i.e, light regulation with the policing authority’s option to crush, i.e., heavily penalize for indiscretions. We take that from the Bible and the Parable of the Good (and Bad) Servants, which covers both moral hazard and ignorance, and that’s why we’re strong proponents of nationalizing the weakest of the large banks. (Not because we think the government will manage them better but because we think shareholders and current managements have forsaken the right to control those assets.)
Suffocating regulations and bureaucracy usually provide no benefit to society and are inhumane and demeaning. If “effective,” they usually end up killing the thing they are trying to protect. (Nationalized health-care anyone?) In short, that’s why we’re against Mr. Geithner’s plan.
Transparency Anyone?
The other column worth mentioning is L. Gordon Crovitz’s Transparency Is More Powerful Than Regulation in which he focuses his attention on a substitute for extensive regulatory oversight: more reporting transparency. For support of his position, he mentions former Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis’s point that “sunlight is the best disinfectant,” which we often cite, but is irrelevant here.
While we tend to agree with many of his points, we think, that in the end, Mr. Crovitz draws the wrong conclusions because (1) in general, in social settings more transparency isn’t necessarily better (doesn’t necessarily improve social welfare and can decrease it), and (2) in the special case of securitizations of pooled assets, additional transparency won’t solve the problem of flawed pricing models because the models’ owners have lost confidence in them.
Is More Information Always Better?
It depends. In single person games – i.e., natural science experiments and games against nature, more information is better. Roughly, that means it leads to higher expected satisfaction for the participant.2 Clearly, record-keeping is necessary for several reasons, but often those records don’t necessarily provide marginal benefit for decision-makers in all decisions, i.e., the records might not identify additional relevant or differential costs or benefits among the possible alternatives for the decision. Alternatively, because they are not perfectly rational, decision-makers may not be able to categorize and synthesize or relate the new information that is present, or they might misuse it.
In a seeming contradiction to that view, last week, in Separating the Mortgage Débâcle from the Liquidity Crisis, we agreed with Hernando de Soto’s recommendation that more details about contingent claims and securitization contracts should be made public, and Mr. Crovitz explains how this is technically feasible through the XBRL initiative.
As we see it, such details are informative about certain aspects of the contracts, but not what Mr. Crovitz thinks. For example, it might help creditors better understand particularly low outcomes associated with certain securities; so, we think that the details are worth reporting, BUT the additional details may not help with pricing claims on the pooled assets. Thus, we don’t see how transparency will induce liquidity. In fact, markets often fail because there is “too much” transparency to sustain transactions, i.e., no one wants the clearly-identifiable crap – the lemons.
As we’ve written in the past, one of the problems with these pricing models for pooled assets is that their owners have lost confidence in them. They’ve lost confidence because they view the models as no longer applicable, and they view them as no longer applicable because they have failed empirically.
They failed because they did not capture the relationships and inter-relations among the assets, particularly among residential mortgages. (In other words, the traders and analysts vastly under-estimated the joint dependencies among cash flows and collateral values, which those folks may express as having a poor estimate of the correlations, but which is likely more complicated and far less calculable than that.) We’ve written about that on several occasions, including here: Trading, Incentives, Organizational Structure and Risk Management, where we explain it as a contagion. (We also discuss it in Well, This Is a Fine Mess You’ve Gotten Us into…. along with other still pertinent issues.)
The problem is that there are few mathematically tractable ways to specify how these assets are related; so, solvable – but nondescriptive and misspecified – methods were employed. In stable times and with a bit of good luck, that misspecification didn’t seem to matter. Unfortunately, luck changed, and did and it does now.
So, we don’t see how transparency will induce trading, but that doesn’t mean that trading cannot occur. (Mr. Crovitz has a good solution, but to a different problem, i.e., Mr. de Soto’s problem.)
Our Solution
Since September we’ve recommended changes in tax policies – via mortgage investment tax credits or immediate write-offs of purchase prices – as a way to induce trade and create liquidity in these security markets. Providing a 30 – 40% cushion in the purchase price, will induce trading even if buyers aren’t completely confident of their calculations. Imagine if the same tax incentives were available to new car buyers? (See “The Good Cop” section of Poor Mr. Geithner: No Forest, No Trees, Just Lost for a recent overview of our plan.)
What Does This Have to Do with MIS?
The same types of system that XBRL is based upon are available very cheaply for internal decision-makers. We’re designing and implementing similar robust, tagged systems for our clients. They are easily searchable systems – both informally (ad hoc) and formally (routine reports); they’re easy to update and edit; they’re secure; and they’re relatively inexpensive. The benefits of technology can now be realized by any size firm or organization. Contact us for more information.
As always, we might update this post after we re-read it.
Copyright © 2009 Spero Consulting.
Footnotes:
- That post provides links to a few of our earlier ones, too. ↩
- We’re being very general, here, and not specifying what either “more information” or “expected satisfaction” mean, but is a very well-studied area in statistics and decision-making.
In multi-person games – i.e., in social settings – there are any number of reasons and cases where more information is harmful to overall societal welfare. Those reasons generally involve risk-sharing and/or incentives. Our own (joint) contribution to the field is Kanodia, Singh, and Spero (JAR 2005), which studies a social setting with a manager and investors in which two important variables are unknown.
One might think that if one variable can never be perfectly known, then (costlessly) learning as much as possible about the other one would be beneficial. We show that’s not the case because of the way that more precise information distorts incentives (and costless effort): depending upon the specification assumptions, either gross underinvestment or gross over-investment results.
Will More Details (More Transparency) Help?
It depends.
Details or facts are not necessarily information, and that relates to our second criticism.[3. Interested parties can read our essay on the topic: Details Are Not Information. ↩
Weekend at Bernanke’s
We think the current government and industry strategy of attempting to prop-up the dead as a way to re-energize the party and stay alive (or relevant) is bound to fail. In reminds us of the plot from the 1989 comedy, Weekend at Bernie’s. Is TARP II nothing more than a remake of the 1993 sequel?
We read in The Wall Street Journal today that Bank of America to Get Billions in U.S. Aid, and as usual we wonder whether it is necessary.
We doubted the necessity of TARP the first time our money was wasted, and continue to do so now. Well, we did more than doubt the necessity, we predicted that the government’s plan – and, again, plan is too strong, too “organized,” of a word to describe the sequence of actions – would exacerbate and elongate the crisis.
And three months later…well, here we are. The weather is colder, but little else has changed – much as we predicted.
According to today’s article, last month Mr. Paulson, in another – and hopefully final – fit of panic, promised our tax dollars to B of A to complete its merger with Merrill Lynch. Perhaps, we should say “to survive its merger with Merrill Lynch,” because surprise, surprise, the article mentions that Merrill lost even more than it had previously guessed.
Now the regular reader may ask: why do we continue to criticize this corporate welfare and crony-capitalism? For all of the same reasons we’ve used in the past, but also with a new one, too.
Despite the continuing volatility and losses – as we write, the DJIA is near 8,000, again – the financial world is a different place today than it was a mere three months ago. Either out of sheer panic or self-preservation, many organizations have reigned in their trading operations and have attempted to limit or eliminate their counter-party credit risk. (Uh, that’s the nature of a liquidity crisis, which we’ve joked is the psychological projection of financial statements; see the top two posts.)
So, we doubt that the demise of Merrill in late December or the demise of other firms today would have been as “harmful” as the demise of Lehman, AND we seriously doubt that the demise of Lehman was as harmful as our panicky policy-makers and corporate propagandists and blame-shifters would like to have others believe.
For example, in another article in today’s paper, Deutsche Bank Warns of Loss, Blaming Its Trading Misfires, it is mentioned three times that Lehman was the cause of much of Deutsche’s troubles. (That thrice-repetition reminds us of ancient Greek literature and Bible passages. As we’ve been told by both educators and priest, when you see it in threes, then you should know that it must be important! Ha!)
We’re sure that Lehman’s demise caused substantial pain to many firms and individuals. But all the pain? No, much of that pain should be attributed to lax controls, including poorly designed incentive schemes, and lax risk management. We view much of the blame currently put upon Lehman to be a school of red herrings (either of the top two definitions will suffice).
However, we’ll use those convenient excuses to turn the argument against the call for further bailouts. If Lehman’s demise – whether alone or in concert with other events – did cause markets to seize and did cause many organizations to begin to avoid risk and limit the extension of credit, then it would seem that the failure of another large firm would have less impact today than in September. So, what’s the harm.
Of course, as we written about on numerous occasions, despite our near Libertarian stance on economic issues, we’d prefer to see the government nationalize the worst offenders as a way to motivate the remaining firms to rationalize their operations: wipe-out existing shareholders, except non-executive employees; fire the boards and senior managers; take 100% ownership; and resell it as soon as possible.
Also, we’d still like to see changes in tax policy to motivate the exchange of the mountains of currently illiquid and devalued mortgage securities: either residential mortgage investment tax credits or the immediate write-off of the purchase price would suffice to provide purchasers with a cushion against overly-optimistic valuations. (You might as well include commercial mortgage-backed securities, too.)
As we wrote in early October, the government’s solution will extend the crisis because no one knows how to value those securities, and by the government’s own admission, that hasn’t changed.
We think that combination of motivating the sellers with sticks and the buyers with carrots, so-to-speak, would work.
Marking Debt to “Market” or Addition Through Subtraction
It Doesn’t Add Up.
According to The Wall Street Journal, today S&P Cut Ratings on 11 Banks.
Depending upon each institution’s accounting policies, individuals at those firms may have cheered their firm’s respective downgrade because that action may have reduce the value of the firm’s outstanding debt thereby allowing the firm to recognize an unrealized gain on its income statement. (Yeah, it is perverse and stupid.)
For example, by combining the contents of this article about Morgan Stanley’s fourth quarter earnings and page two of this report, it seems that Morgan Stanley equity-holders “gained” about $3.6 billion because the firm’s debt – its promise to meet future long-term obligation – has become worth substantially less to creditors than it was at the end of August. (We calculate the $3.6 billion as $5.9 billion of combined realized gains – from the actual repurchase of its long-term debt – and unrealized gains – from writing down the book value of debt – which are mentioned in the article, minus about $2.3 billion of realized gains mentioned on the income statement, but we could be wrong, and its kind of besides the point; so, we don’t mind being wrong.)
Regular readers will note that for quite some time, we’ve promised a rather long post on the nature of mark-to-market accounting, but we’ve been busy, and it’s not the most exciting topic.
Our view is that there is nothing inherently wrong with mark-to-market accounting for assets when markets exist.
Unfortunately, for many asset classes, there aren’t robust, active markets; so, the exercise become mark-to-model (by definition an abstract, simplified view of reality) or mark-to-quote (by definition an unfulfilled wish or hope if no exchange took place). But we’ll save those issues for a longer and more detailed post when time is less precious, but today we must finish decking the halls.
In our view mark-to-market for liabilities makes far less sense and creates a perverse situation where a weakened firm may theoretically benefit from that weakness; it’s not the same as loss carry-forwards.
We’ll try to be clear. Take our estimated realized gains and unrealized gains for Morgan Stanley as given, i.e., $2.3 billion realized on retired debt and $3.6 billion unrealized on outstanding debt.
Recognizing a realized gain on the early pay-off on debt makes complete sense. If Morgan Stanley was able to repay $2.3 billion less than the book value of its debt, then good for the firm and its owners. Note that such a situation could occur if either base interest rates increased substantially or credit spreads widened substantially. (Those are actually artifacts, not reasons, but that’s how folks talk.)
In our mind, recognizing an unrealized gain of $3.6 billion is problematic. Holding base rates constant – and they’ve actually decreased this fall – the only way for debt to lose such value is if the firm’s (perceived) creditworthiness has deteriorated.
In that case and at some point, it would seem that the firm would not have the cash balances nor the cash flow to realize the reduction in outstanding, contractual claims against it. To us, that means that the claim against the firm remains at the face value, and the residual claimants – the shareholders – would have to satisfy that entire claim (or some negotiated amount) before they would receive anything.
Moreover, if the firm is uncreditworthy and cannot refinance the debt, then by the definition of a liability – an item of expected future sacrifice from a past transaction or event – the firm should record the liability at (1) its approximate face value (plus or minus any premium or discount) or (2) its liquidation value in case of bankruptcy. In that latter case, it is not clear whether the firm remains a going-concern or not.
Therefore, if it is a going concern but it cannot pay-off – say with cash or via refinancing – at the devalued market value of debt, then we say that the expected future sacrifice is not the “market value,” it is the face value. So, where is the gain? Nowhere; it doesn’t exist.
It seems that knowledge and its rarer cousin, wisdom, have no role at the FASB or the SEC. We derived our argument from basically one definition – a liability – and one assumption: the firm’s a going concern. Does it seem that our policy-makers have lost sight of the proverbial forest because of the trees? Or are we wrong? If so, how?
In their attempts to become relevant, they’ve achieved the opposite.
Multi-period Bond Price Implied Default Rates and CDS
Implied Under the Assumption of Risk Neutrality
We have several posts related to the calculation of price-implied default rates under the assumption of risk neutrality and several posts related to simple CDS calculations.
Those posts have involved discrete, single-period problems, where there are only two dates of interest: today and a future date where an uncertain claim or cash flow will be realized, i.e., when bankruptcy would occur.
We’ve focused on binary models and will continue to do so here. In fact, to analyze a two-period problem, we’ll just build upon our latest post from December 2: Price Implied Default Rates.
We think that needless detail obfuscates the central points while providing no marginal explanatory power: either in a statistical or pedagogical sense. So, we like to keep things simple.
Note that we’re providing examples of simple, reduced-form models à la Jarrow and Turnbull (1995) or Hull and White (2000), not a structural Merton model like KMV. We’ll do that when we have the time.
In our December 2nd post, we considered a risky, one-year, zero-coupon bond. We assumed a face value of $1,000, a risk-free rate of 5%, and the risky bond’s yield to be 8%. We could have stated that last assumption as the bond has a price of $925.93.
From those assumptions, and the additional assumption that the owner of the bond would recover 60% of the face value, we calculated the risk-neutral-model-implied default rate of 6.94%.
Now the calculation of that default rate depends upon all of the assumptions, and obviously the answer will vary with changes in any of the assumed variables: the bond’s price or yield, the risk-free rate, and the loss given default rate.
Obviously, it also depends upon the applicability of risk-neutral valuation, which allows us to impose two very important considerations (versus reality). It allows us to (1) treat the bond’s price as the expected value of its cash flows, which is only valid if the creditor (in the model, not in real life) is risk-neutral, and (2) use the risk-free rate as the proper discount rate for a risk-neutral person. Those assumptions allow us to work with expected cash flows, rather than curvy preferences. We’ll focus on calculations in this post and not on applicability.
Finally, the answer also depends upon our choice of probability functions. Here, the only uncertainty involves full payment or not; so, that credit risk is easily modeled as a binary function, but it is important to note that risk-neutrality does not imply a particular probability function. Once the analyst has chosen from a family of distribution functions, the assumption of risk neutrality will determine (imply) particular parameter values, but that is all. For the more mathematically inclined, that is the change-of-measure that is referred to in the texts. (Probabilities are weights. Different parameter values within a distribution cause possible events to be weighed differently; ergo, the measure is changed.)
In this problem, we’ll keep the same assumptions as in our previous post for the first of our two periods. So, here is the setting: We have two zero-coupon, risky bonds issued by the same firm and each with a face value of $1,000: one matures in one-year and the other matures in two years. Imagine that there are two risk-free bonds, too.
The one-year risky bond is described as above; so, it will have a price of $925.93. If that bond were risk-free, it would have a price of $952.93. In a risk-neutral model, the difference in prices is the present value of the expected loss (of the risky bond, of course).
The risk-free rate in the second period is 7%. Note that there is no market risk – that is, no interest rate risk – so there is no evolution of interest rates or any type of rate process in our humble, little example. (We’re just making up numbers to illustrate a few basic ideas.)
The bond that matures in two years has a yield-to-maturity of 9.982%, which for all intents and purposes – and for everyone except the truly anal – is 10%.1
As an aside, with our two sets of interest rates, we can calculate an overall yield-to-maturity from our term structure of forward, risk-free rates, and for risky rates, we can determine the structure of forward rates from our risky yield curve.
Risk-free yield-to-maturity: we don’t really need to calculate this, so you can skip it is you want, but if the risk-free bonds are priced to earn 5% in the first year, and a two-year bond is priced to earn 7% in the second year, then the geometric average return for the zero-coupon, risk-free bond better be close to the arithmetic mean of 6%. That yield-to-maturity is simply:
[(1 + r1)·(1 + r2)]1⁄2 — 1 = [1.05·1.07]1⁄2 — 1 = 5.995%
So, the yield on a two-year, zero-coupon, riskless bond is about 6%: just like we knew before we did the calculation.
Risky forward rate: now, given the risky yield-to-maturity is about 10% on the two-year, zero coupon, bond, and given a first-year risky rate of 8%, then the implied forward rate for the second period must be:
[(1 + 0.08)·(1 + r2)]1⁄2 — 1 ≈ 10% implies r2 = 1.12 /1.08 - 1 = 12%
So, if (and only if) the two-year, risky bond yields (about) 10%, then its price is:
$1,000 ÷ 1.12 = $826.45 ≈ $826.72.
By the way, we’re off by 26¢ by using the easy 10% instead of the more precise 9.982%, but the lesson is free; so, the reader really shouldn’t complain.
Notice that credit spread increased from 3% (8% — 5%) in the first year to 5% (12% — 7%) in the second. All things equal, we should expect that the risk-neutral, price-implied, default rate will increase, too. Let’s see if that happens.
Three Probabilities of Default (or default rates): when we move to a multi-period problem, we have to be careful to specify the default rate to which we’re referring. There are conditional, marginal, and cumulative probabilities of default, and that is true whether we’re discussing actual (but unknown) probabilities of default or risk-neutral-implied probabilities of default like we’re doing here.
The conditional probability of default for a period, t, is the easiest notion to understand: given that the firm has survived until the beginning of that period, it is the probability that the firm can’t pay its bills during the next interval of time; here, we’re using one year as the time interval. We’ll denote conditional probabilities as pt for every period t.
The marginal probability of default is the probability that the firm will default in period t. Now, the firm only has the opportunity to default in period t, if it hasn’t already defaulted; so, the marginal probability considers the probability of surviving until that point and the conditional probability of default. If p1 is the (marginal) probability of default in the first period, the (1 — p1), then the marginal probability of default is:
(1 — p1)·p2,
For our little problem, we won’t introduce any special notation for the marginal probabilities of default.
Finally, the cumulative probability of default is the sum of all the marginals: p1 + (1 — p1)·p2 in a two-period problem. We wrote about longer term cumulative probabilities of events in this post, Good Column, Bad Math, where we talk about 100-year floods.
So, let’s find the conditional probability of default in the second period. Given that there was no default at the end of the first period, what is the probability of default in the second period implied by the bond’s price?
Well, with one period remaining, the price of the only remaining bond is:
$1,000 ÷ 1.12 = $892.86.
So, we can find the conditional probability of default in the second-period, p2, the same way that we found the probability in our one-period problem.2
price = $892.86= (1 — p2) × ($1,000 ÷ (1 + 0.07)) + p2 × (600 ÷ (1 + 0.07))
$892.86= (1 — p2) × $934.58 + p2 × 560.75.
So, if the firm survives the first period, there is an 11.16% conditional probability of default in the second period. That means that the marginal probability of default for the second period is the probability that the firm survives the first period multiplied by the conditional probability of default in the second:
(1 — p1) ·p2 = (1 — 0.0694) · 0.1116 = 10.385%
The cumulative probability of default is the sum of the two marginals: 6.94% + 10.39 = 17.33%.
Note that at the end of the first period the difference between the risk-free bond’s price of $934.58 and the risky bond’s price of $892.86 is $41.72. The $41.72 represents the risk-neutral, “present value” at the start of the second period of the conditional expected loss in the second period of the two-period bond. So, the $41.72 is related to the conditional probability of loss and the potential loss of $400:
($400 × 11.16%) ÷ 1.07.
But the second period will be experienced only if there was no default in the first period! So, in a risk-neutral world, a creditor will only experience the opportunity to lose (a discounted average) of $41.72 if there is no default in the first period: with probability (1 — 6.944%).
And the value of that today – at the start of it all – must be discounted by the first period’s risk-free rate of 5%. So, the present value of that expected loss that
$41.72 × (1 — 0.06944) ÷ 1.05 = $36.97.
Is our analysis correct? Let’s see. A two-year, risk-free, zero-coupon bond would have a price of $890.08. Our risky bond has a price of $826.45. That means that in a risk-neutral world – given all of our assumptions – the present value of the sum of the expected losses is the difference: $890.08 — $826.45 = $63.63.
In the first year, the present value of the expected loss on debt with a face value of $1,000 is $26.67. That means that the present value of the expected loss in the second period must be: $63.63 — $26.67 ≈ $36.97. Hey, where did we see that number before? That’s right — a few inches above where we discounted the expected present value of the second-period loss.
What about CDS?
To protect against loss, the CDS should provide $400 in case of default at the end of each period.
If the CDS policy were sold period-by-period, i.e., one-year terms, the first year’s premium would have to be at least $26.67 and the second year’s if sold today would cost at least $36.97. The actual cost, like everything else in the real world, would depend upon how badly creditors want to protect against loss, but those values are actuarially fair in a risk-neutral setting.
Also note that if the CDS policy were sold at the start of the second period, the premium would have be to at least $41.72 to be actuarially fair in a risk-neutral world. So, if purchased consecutively, the insurance premiums would need to $26.67 today and $41.72 next year in our risk-neutral world.
What if the insurance were purchased for two periods? What would the constant premium be? In that case, there is a chance that one or both premiums will be received (or paid). If there is no bankruptcy in the first period, then the premium will be paid twice; so, we need:
premium + (1 — 0.06944) premium ÷ 1.05 = $63.63
premium (1.0 +0.93056 ÷ 1.05) = $63.63
premium = $33.74
We assumed that the premium was paid at the beginning of each period; so, it is like an “annuity due” and actually is like a random, annuity due. It’s random because it is a constant stream of cash flows, but the ending date is unknown. In this simple two-period example, the “stream” could be one or two payments.
Also remember that risk-averse creditors should be willing to pay more than that, i.e., a risk premium, too.
And remember, we’ve said absolutely nothing about probabilities in the real world that our example represents. Risk neutral probabilities and default rates are derived from a set of assumptions that permits (relatively) easy calculation, but those probabilities and rates only work in our model, and they do not represent real frequencies. For more on that, please see our other posts on the topic.
As we hope that you can see, CDS is identical to term life insurance – except millions and millions of similar firms don’t die each year; so, there is little empirical evidence of various factors, including loss given default rates.
By the way, we’ve ignored counter-party risk and a host of other complicating assumptions.
As with many of our longer posts, we’ll likely edit this one in the near future.
Copyright © 2008 Spero Consulting.
Footnotes:
- By the way, can you imagine the number of folks who would scream that 9.982% isn’t 10%; so, they would indict us for not being precise thus we are wrong, wrong, wrong. That might be despite the fact that they may have been involved in allowing their organizations to accumulate billions of dollars of losses all the while arguing for precision. We do love those ironies of life. Also, the fact that we’ve made life simple by not continuously compounding would upset a few, too. ↩
- Just to be clear, we could have found the “future value” of the price by multiplying $892.86 by 1.07 and using the face value of $1,000 and the recovery (upon default) value of $600. In other words, we could have solved: $955.35714= (1 — p2) × $1,000 + p2 × $600. ↩
Early Warnings of Excessive Leverage
We were searching our hard drive for a paper, and found a very interesting article that we had saved about the perils of excessive leverage. It is As Funds Leverage Up, Fears of Reckoning Rise from the April 30, 2007, edition of The Wall Street Journal. It is subtitled: Fed and SEC Question Wall Street on Policies; ‘A Mockery’ of Margin.
We’re not sure if an article from the Spring of 2007 is truly an early warning per our title, but “Warnings of Excessive Leverage” doesn’t read as nicely.
In light of very recent events and market events since mid-2007, it is quite interesting and discusses or quotes many familiar names, including, John Paulson (big winner); The Pennsylvania State Employees’ Retirement System (not a big winner); Timothy Geithner (next Treasury secretary); Warren Buffett (not Jimmy Buffett); Kenneth Griffin and Citadel Investment Group (not big winners); Edward Lampert (not big winner, although we do like Lands End at Sears); and many more.
In the article, the reporters paraphrase Janet Tavakoli as follows: “the collateral provided by hedge funds to secure swaps could be difficult to trade… In a market downturn, attempts to unwind such positions could lead to a vicious cycle of selling that would feed on itself…” Sounds reasonable.
We also particularly like this little box that doesn’t appear in the on-line article:
RISK FACTOR
• The Situation: Regulators have grown worried about rising leverage in the U.S. financial system.
• The Players: Hedge funds and the Wall Street firms that provide them with financing are among the biggest contributors to the rise.
• The Bottom Line: No one is sure what will happen with this complex web of borrowing and derivatives in the event of a serious market downturn.
Wow, who would have thunk that there were people way back in 2007 warning of such risks as well as the laxity of risk management. Does this mean that the ongoing liquidity crisis need not have occurred? (By 2007, it was already too late to prevent the mortgage crisis.) Does that mean the destruction of trillions of dollars of wealth could have be prevented and avoided? So, this suggests that it wasn’t (and isn’t) a natural disaster. Wow! And for what?
Hedge Funds, Panic, Sledges, Nedges and Executive Compensation
A Variety of Risk & Incentive Ideas All in One Post!
There is an article in The Wall Street Journal today entitled, Citadel’s Losses Add to Mr. Griffin’s Pain.
We’re rather indifferent to Mr. Griffin’s pain as we’re sure that he is to ours, but that’s not why we are writing.
We mention the article because it relates to earlier postings and provides an idea for executive compensation that we haven’t seen discussed before.
Markets, Crises, Nedges and Sledges. It’s often the case that relatively the good performers or safer investments suffer unjustifiably along with bad performers or losers in market downturns, crises, and panics. We italicized “unjustifiably” because we doubt that such a notion applies to market economics. However, such events can transpire for a number of reasons.
As we mentioned on Tuesday in Taking the Fun(ds) out of Hedge Funds, better performers may suffer – if there is such a notion in markets – when poorly incentivized investors sell those securities at small gains or small losses rather than recognize large losses on terrible performers.
Also, as Richard Bookstaber nicely describes in the excellent A Demon of Our Own Design there may be runs on high quality assets if market participants know that distressed sellers hold those assets. Mr. Bookstaber provides a few examples, including the run on Brazilian bonds during the Asian Crisis (in 1997), and Long-Term Capital Management’s (LTCM’s) massive problems due to the fact that it was publicly announced that Travelers was ending proprietary, fixed-income trading at Salomon Smith Barney in July, 1998.1
In addition, these market dynamics are why we often refer to hedges as nedges (near hedges) or sledges (somewhat like hedges). Pedge or predge for “probabilistic hedge” also captures this notion that things aren’t as secure, locked-down, and predictable as they might at times seem.
In stressed times, there are few proper – i.e., risk-free – hedges. Instead, it becomes quite possible to lose on both sides of trade. One of the main, exacerbating problems is the fact that during calm times, traders and analysts receive evidence that allows them to overestimate the validity or predictability of the interactions of the various parts. So, for those folks, “hedging” day-to-day profits and activities during calm times, especially in “cost-effective” ways, leaves them exposed to the rarer, but far more damaging large events.2
High-water Marks and Executive Compensation. The article on Citadel briefly mentions high-water marks that relate to asset values and compensation for fund managers. That means that if a (hedge) fund generates loses, it must recoup those losses before the fund manager can earn a performance bonus – usually 20% of gains.
We’d like to see corporations implement similar, equity-related compensation schemes for their senior managers and boards.
A quick search of the web turns up others offering the same recommendation, but our brief search identified no firms that have incorporated such a schedule into their executive compensation plans.
We could see where it would be difficult to show that such a policy is optimal in a mathematical agency model, but that’s due to computational constraints that force such models to be stark. The basic reason that such a policy would be suboptimal in a mathematical model is that there would likely be a wide range of preliminary outcomes where it would be difficult to motivate the person to continue to work, and given that, the initial risk premium would have to be large to ensure that the agent would participate.3
However, in real life, such a policy would seem very compelling and would likely be less demotivating to other employees, and that should be worth something. In fact, maybe even more than the direct effect on management, and that’s one of the benefits that would be difficult to formally model without a substantial loss of elegance or the elimination of solvability.
Now, perhaps we’re also drawn to the idea because we’ve seen any number of managements paid for substantial improvements in share prices that turn out to be nothing more than the right-side of an upward facing parabola. The same management team was also in place during the left-side decline, too. Of course, we’re willing to sarcastically admit that down times can’t be avoided as they’re always due to general economic conditions, whereas the upsides are solely due management’s actions and prowess. Yeah, we doubt that you’re buying it, either.
As always, we might update the post as we think about it a bit more.
Footnotes:
- It is absolutely shameful that Bookstaber’s book, published in 2007, has not received more attention during our continuing crises in late 2008. As usual, the folks who would benefit the most for it, are least likely to read it. Perhaps that’s why we have these problems and they repeat. ↩
- We wouldn’t doubt that despite the past year or so, there are still folks who would dismiss our criticism. They would fancy themselves as “scientists,” but won’t let data (empirical evidence) get in the way of their models. We have a half-finished, aged post on the topic that remains in our draft queue. ↩
- Of course, even that degree of speculation on our part, implicitly assumes a multitude of economic and mathematical assumptions. ↩
Price Implied Default Rates
Update: December 12, 2008. While none of our analysis or calculations was incorrect, we did have a minor error in the penultimate paragraph. We should of said “first” not “last.” To make amends, here is a multi-period problem, Multi-period Bond Price Implied Default Rates and CDS, but it won’t make sense without reading this one first. We also added a few paragraphs below, which should help explain the multi-period case.
Further update: April 14, 2008. We also have a new, related post on default rates. It is Calculating Counterparty Credit Reserves from April 8, 2009. Much of that post involves default rates, too.
We see that we’re getting a number of hits from search engines for folks looking for information about price-implied default rates – possibly college students with homework assignments or people trying to understand the various types of default rates they may encounter in their jobs or readings.
We have a number of posts on risk-neutral default rates, including Implied Risk Neutral Probabilities (of Default) , implied RISK NEUTRAL probability of default, redux, Risk Neutral Valuation: There Are at Least Two Expected Values, but we doubt if those settings are the ones that all guests want to see, especially those looking for help on their homework. (Of course, we think they are all worth reading.) So, as a public service, we offer an example of a simple, one-period bond problem. (It is single-period because it is gratis, after all.)
Suppose that a zero-coupon, risky bond with a face value of $1,000 matures in exactly one year. (Yeah, we said it was simple.) We’ll ignore compounding issues and assume that the annual risk-free rate is 5%. We’ll also assume that this risky bond’s yield-to-maturity is 8%.
Let’s calculate and discuss a few things before we provide additional assumptions.
We’ll calculate the bond’s price that corresponds to an 8% yield, and we’ll calculate the bond’s price if it were riskless; of course, by riskless we mean free of default risk or credit risk, only. Our simple one-period model doesn’t really permit interest rate risk, which is a type of market risk.
The bond’s price with a 8% annual yield is: $1,000 ÷ (1 + 0.08) = $925.93.
Now, if the bond were risk-free, its price would be $1,000 ÷ (1 + 0.05) = $952.38,
which is $26.45 higher. So, the price drops and the yield increases (over their risk-free equivalents) because the owner(s) of the bond is forced to bear some type of credit risk or probability of loss.
That $26.45 will appear again later, but at this point we can’t say much more than it is the difference in the prices of a one-period risk-free bond and our one-period risky bond.
The problem with simple calculations – whether in one or multiple periods – is that they ignore all of the factors that actually affect and determine prices. In other words, we’ve completely ignored the market dynamics and factors that would cause the price to be $925.93.
The market-clearing price would depend upon supply and demand considerations.1 Those considerations would depend upon the preferences, beliefs, and endowments of actual and potential sellers and buyers. In our simple setting, the important preferences would be risk and time preferences, which could possibly be expressed as utility functions; beliefs would involve the probability of default as well as other probabilities associated with each agent’s wealth in other assets if they exist – i.e., their endowments.
So, we can think of the price of $925.93 as a “function” of preferences, U(·); beliefs, f(·); and endowments, w.2 Unfortunately, in real life, we don’t know those factors; so, we’ll never be able to solve the actual problem, but we can solve a substitute problem.
All we know is that the price is $925.93, and it can be expressed as a yield-to-maturity – or a yield curve for multi-period problems – of (our assumed) 8%. So, the yield could be viewed as a function of the price if you want, but they’re really determined simultaneously.
As we’ve written many times before in related posts, because of several clever researchers in economics and finance, we can actually do more than just discuss the tautologies of price and yield.
In certain cases, we can assume that market participants are risk-neutral – that takes care of U(·) and makes the w irrelevant – and we can assume a particular form of a density or distribution function of outcomes, f(·). Very importantly, with those assumptions, if we don’t know one of the parameters of f(·) we can solve for it if we know everything else. That would be like solving for the misnamed implied vol or implied default rate, which is what we will do here.3
Here’s the key to all risk-neutral pricing: under certain assumptions, if agents are (assumed to be) risk-neutral, then we can treat prices as equal to the expected value of the asset’s cash flows according to an associated density function. That’s the only time we can treat prices as expected cash flows, rather than expected utilities, but depending upon the level of the course, some profs are pretty bad at explaining that fact.4
So, there are three things to consider. First, if agents are risk neutral, we can assume that they care only about expected values.
Second, if agents are risk neutral, then they won’t pay a premium for taking risk like risk-lovers would, nor will they need to be paid a premium for taking risk like risk-averse agents would need to be paid.
Third, that means we can assume that risk neutral agents are satisfied earning the risk-free rate. 5 So, given all of our words above, that means that risk neutral agents would value assets at the discounted value of the expected cash flows – discounted at the risk-free rate.
So, as we showed above, if the bond were actually risk-free, then price would have been $952.38, but the price is $925.93. That means that market participants must expect to receive less than the face value of $1,000 at least some percentage of the time, and that percentage is the probability of default.
Let’s see exactly how much less than $1,000, but first note that we could write the price of a risk-free bond in a slightly expanded way. Risk-free means 100% chance of getting $1,000; so,
Equation A:
$952.38 = 100% × ($1,000 ÷ (1 + 0.05)) + 0% × (value given default ÷ (1 + 0.05))
We did nothing but add zero to our previous calculation of a risk-free bond.
Let’s make it risky. Let p represent the probability of default, then for a risk-neutral person, we could write that same line as:
price = (1 — p) × ($1,000 ÷ (1 + 0.05)) + p × (value given default ÷ (1 + 0.05))
Thus, with a price of $925.93, we could write:
$925.93 = (1 — p) × ($1,000 ÷ (1 + 0.05)) + p × (value given default ÷ (1 + 0.05))
There are two unknowns: the probability of default, p, and the value of the bond given default, which has to be less than $1,000. In fact, we could put a determine a upper bound that is less than $1,000 if we wanted to do so. (How?)
Now, look at the last equation. Once we know or assume the value given default, we could find the probability of default, p, or vice versa.
Usually, one assumes the value given default and solves for p. There’s not really a good reason for doing it other than that’s what just about everyone does. (Don’t let anyone attempt to fool you with some lame justification. It’s tradition, custom, convention. Regardless of the word, it is arbitrary.)
So, let’s make-up – er, we mean assume – a value given default. This is often given in terms of a loss given default, a loss given default rate, or a recovery rate, but they’re all equivalent as one can see in the following relationships.
value given default = $1,000 — loss given default
value given default = $1,000 — loss given default rate × $1,000 = $1,000 × (1 — loss given default rate)
value given default = $1,000 × (1 — loss given default rate) = $1,000 × recovery rate
The loss given default is often abbreviated LGD. Unfortunately, the loss given default rate is sometimes abbreviated as LGD. Don’t let the bad notation fool you. Now, where were we?
That’s right. Let’s suppose that the loss given default rate is 40%. That means the recovery rate is 60%, which is its complement. Regardless, of how that assumption is stated, that means that the value given default is $600. So, now we have another number to put into our equation:
$925.93 = (1 — p) × ($1,000 ÷ (1 + 0.05)) + p × (600 ÷ (1 + 0.05))
or,
Equation B:
$925.93 = (1 — p) × $952.38 + p × 571.43.
If we did the arithmetic correctly, then solving for p gives a probability of default of almost 7%: 6.94%. Clearly, all things equal, which means holding everything else constant, as the loss given default increases, the probability of default decreases. One can make a graph of that relationship as we did in Implied Default Probabilities and Risk Neutral Models in June, 2008.
Now, under the assumption of risk-neutral agents, the difference between the two bond prices of $26.45 can be express as the difference in the present value of their expected cash flows. The difference in the present values of the expected cash flows in Equations A and B is the present value of the expected loss. The loss given default is $400. The undiscounted expected loss is: 0.0694 × $400 = $27.76. The present value of the expected loss is – not surprisingly – $27.76 ÷ 1.05 = $26.45.
That’s not the most someone would spend for insurance. That insurance premium depends upon the person’s risk-aversion.
Multi-period problems aren’t that much different, but they require bonds of multiple maturities if one is attempting to derive a credit curve, and one works for from the last first period forward solving maturity-by-maturity. Otherwise, one can find an “average” annual marginal probability of default. (We talk about a similar issue in Good Column, Bad Math.) So, in our multi-period example, we’ll explain the price of a two-year bond as the difference in present values between a risky and risk-free two-year bond. Then we’ll say much much of that can be attributed to the first period and then the second period.
Note: WE“VE SAID ABSOLUTELY NOTHING ABOUT THE REAL PROBABILITY OF DEFAULT! If all of the agents are risk-averse, then the unknown real probability of default will be less than the risk-neutral rate, but that’s not too helpful, is it? Some of our older posts do illustrate this idea.
Good luck with the assignment.
Copyright ©2008 Spero Consulting.
Footnotes:
- That’s quite a vacuous statement. ↩
- We are purposely using U(·) for preferences to remind readers of utility functions; f(·) for beliefs to remind individuals of probability density functions; and w for endowments to remind of their other wealth. Also, we put the quote around function, because we’re definitely not using it in its strict mathematical sense. ↩
- The implied is misnamed; it is inferred. It’s implied by the model selected, but it is inferred or imputed by the analyst. ↩
- Risk neutrality is actually slightly more general than that. ↩
- That’s why the actual yield is greater than the risk-free rate because market participants tend to be risk averse, but we don’t know the exact form of that aversion. ↩
Volatility and Losses: No End in Sight
If you haven’t read it, For the Vix, 40 Looks Like It’s the New 20 in today’s The Wall Street Journal please know that is a decent column.
We particularly like the paragraph:
“Volatility may not return to its highs, but it isn’t clear when it will get back to normal, either. Volatility breeds fear, which breeds more volatility. There is still too much uncertainty about the losses lurking on bank balance sheets and about the depth and breadth of the current recession to inspire much calm.”
Now, the first sentence is true but says absolutely nothing. We’re not trying to ridicule Mark Gongloff the writer of the Ahead of the Tape column; instead, we empathize with the difficulty he faces writing about markets and uncertainty.
The notion of uncertainty about uncertainty–and the inability to measure it in a simple manner – tends to make statements about the topic either sound overly-complex and overly-qualified (by all of the necessary descriptive qualifications to the statement) or makes them sound trite. Sometimes that’s the writer’s fault, but often it is the reader’s fault, too, especially when the reader incorrectly possess no uncertainty about their own “knowledge.”)
Now, we especially like Mr. Gongloff’s following sentences because that’s almost exactly what we’ve written during the past several months – almost three months now.
The mortgage crisis that created the confidence and liquidity crisis and the resulting equity market volatility all continued unabated. Last Wednesday, in The Mortgage Crisis: Why Not Incentivize the Private Sector? we wrote: “By the way, folks who think this Thanksgiving week’s mini-rally signifies that the worst is over are likely to be sadly mistaken. We do hope that we’re wrong, but doubt it.”
While we try not to make much of one-day changes, even when they are as large as today’s drop of 680 points in the DJIA and the nearly 9% decreases in the S&P 500 and NASDAQ indices, we do believe both the continuing volatility and losses provide evidence that the government’s actions to date have not helped instill confidence. In all likelihood have hindered economy and financial activities by not allowing any resolution of the uncertainty of the value and viability of large financial intermediaries.
We wrote about that in Could a “Bailout” Prolong the Financial Crisis? and The Uncertain Value of Mortgage Securities (among other posts) in late September. However, the government’s execution and lack of planning has been even worse than we could have imagined, and we had extremely low expectations to begin with.
As we have been mentioning since that time, we wish federal government would provide tax incentives – say, mortgage investment tax credits – to motivate private purchases of troubled assets.
We also wish the government would expropriate the worst offenders – the most poorly capitalized large banks. We know that the Treasury can’t run banks any better than the existing managements, but that’s not one of our reasons. A main reason is to motivate other healthier institutions to act. Having ready buyers – motivated by such tax credits – would certainly help those banks exchange assets for cash, and that lack of trade keeps the analyses of each bank’s financial conditional needlessly opaque, and that’s (by definition) no way to resolve uncertainty.
We’re not sure when during the day, Mr. Paulson spoke of new programs (Paulson Says Treasury Actively Mulling New Rescue Programs), but we doubt if that stemmed the (ebbing) tide of sharply decreasing equity values. Unfortunately, there is no reason to expect any positive news any time soon.
Good Luck with that: Getting Bank Examiners to Act
This post greatly expands upon a comment we made about regulation in Even A Perfect Bailout Will Fail and possibly elsewhere.
Regulators as wise monkeys.
Today’s The Wall Street Journal has an article entitled, Bank Examiners Are Told to Step Up Sanctions on Lenders.
The first sentence of the article says it all: “The U.S. government’s armies of bank examiners have been ordered to be more aggressive in applying formal sanctions to financial institutions when problems are found.”
Unfortunately, ordering does not make it so, and we doubt that it will work. We’re not making a blanket condemnation here, but we’d be interested in knowing if and how the government deals with the incentive problems that we address below.
Unless the Fed, the OCC, and the OTS immediately transfer and reassign examiners, we doubt that many new issues will be found. Furthermore, if such issues are discovered, we doubt that those issues will be reported. (In this post, we’ll call such bank-related problems “issues,” and reserve the word “problem” for the dysfunctional incentives that may exist within the regulatory agencies.) Of course, there are many obvious issues that can be noticed without formal examinations and investigations.
Incentive Problems
There are, in fact, a couple of related incentive problems worth mentioning. (1) Many examiners spend many years examining only one firm. At large institutions, the examiner is usually located on the bank’s premises – possibly sharing office space, e-mail systems, and dining room privileges with bank employees and managers. (2) Many examiners seek (and gain) employment with the same financial institution that they previously examined.
We’ll briefly address the second issue first by asking: what incentive does an examiner have to take a “hard-line” by questioning the value of assets or capital reserved if it may infuriate or alienate a potential employer? (We’ll return to this issue at the end of the post, too.)
The elimination of the prospect of future employment, however, does not eliminate the incentive problem for long-time examiners. For reputational reasons, they may still lack the motivation to closely scrutinize and report issues.
Now, clearly some degree of familiarity is beneficial when examining or auditing institutions because that knowledge reduces the set-up and operating costs of performing the examination: portfolios, systems, and key personnel are all known by the repeat examiner. In addition, it becomes quite expensive for the government to move examiners and quite disruptive for examiners and their families to be periodically relocated to different institutions in possibly different regions of the country (or to travel extensively).
It is the case that certain higher-level managers are rotated, but that seems insufficient to ensure that lower-level workers will necessarily report issues of which they know. Moreover, who is more likely to discover (or be informally informed of) such issues?
Sunk Cost Fallacy
Our long-time examiner incentive problem is similar to the sunk cost fallacy that has been extensively studied by economists – including information economists – who address the question: why do managers keep investing in (seemingly obvious) losing projects?[1. There are other explanations, too. For example, we like this quote by Father Joseph Holzner, author of Paul of Tarsus,: “When a man feels the burden of guilt on his soul, he tries hard to justify himself before his own conscience and before others by increasing his false zeal, and thus he sinks yet deeper into evil.”]
There is an option-value explanation that if (exogenous) circumstances change, the poorly-performing project may become valuable; so, it is worth the cost to maintain that flexibility (and pay the equivalent of an option premium). That explanation makes the decision to invest to be very much like insurance.
The information story is different and involves adverse selection and reputation. A manager who made or who supported the initial investment may feel that his reputation is at stake and his judgment may be questioned by admitting that a project that they had picked as a winner was actually a loser (and so others may infer that the said manager is a loser, too.)
How It Relates to Regulation
Most bank activities are long-lived – because they are or because they are like investments. Thus, for dubious ongoing ventures, the examiner must decide whether or not to criticize or mention them.
Imagine a multi-year venture, activity, or investment that the examiner has not mentioned or criticized in previous years. Generally, it would be highly unlikely that there were no warning signs in prior periods, especially if the examiner’s superior were gifted with perfect, 20⁄20 hindsight, which is quite easy to possess (and requires much discipline to control).
In that case, we could imagine the undisciplined superior questioning the examiner’s past performance: “did you miss it because you are incompetent or did you catch it and fail to mention it because you are duplicitous?” (Here is an essay on Strategic Consistency and Managerial Discipline.) It seems that any examiner with any bit of foresight could also make this inference.
Thus, it may be in the rational – though not conscientious – examiner’s best interests to act as a trinity of wise monkeys and suppress his private information and discoveries.

Empirically and as a tax payer, we do believe it is fair to ask: how many examiners or finalized examination reports warned about any of the problems that we are now experiencing? How many of those unreported mortgage-related issues arose only in 2008 or the latter half of 2008? In that respect, the regulatory agencies seem much like the government-regulated credit agencies with their over-optimistic scenarios.
We can’t hypothesize all of the blame lower-level workers. There are certainly conscientious examiners who may or may have mentioned issues. Given our quite skeptical view of the (fallen) nature of man, it is quite easy to believe that in some cases their warnings were suppressed by their superiors, who despite rotation, may be have attempted to maintain good feelings with their subject banks in their desire for a well-paying corporate job.
Regulation as a Crutch (Causes Atrophy)
We’ll have more to say about the deleterious effects of regulation. We’re formulating a post about the false sense of security that risk managers may possess after they satisfy the questions of (seemingly simian, albeit intelligent simian) regulators. In other words, there is no reason to believe that passing regulatory hurdles alone is equivalent to effective risk or uncertainty management.
The Mortgage Crisis: Why Not Incentivize the Private Sector?
In today’s (November 26) edition of The Wall Street Journal, there is a Deal Journal article entitled, “Paulson Plan: ‘Truly Idiotic.’”
Although we’ve not gone that far in describing TARP et al, we’ve been harshly critical of Mr. Paulson. In fact, we’ve mentioned that his series of actions don’t seem to constitute an actual plan, because the word “plan” implies a certain degree of, well, planning or foresight and forethought, and those prerequisites seemed absent in his Panic of ’08.
The quoted accuser in the Deal Journal article is Charles Calomiris, a prof at Columbia, and he make several good points, including “we’re using half-measures designed in an inappropriate way,” and “The problem is the completely opaque distribution of losses because no one knows how to value these mortgage losses.”
We’ve made similar remarks any number of times, and it is exactly those opaque joint distributions of cash flows (and therefore losses) that cause all the trouble and makes the pools impossible to value with any degree of precision.
While we do agree with his criticism, we don’t agree with his recommendations. Primarily his suggestion that “the government offer to buy any mortgage for 40 cents on the dollar.”
It is unclear how the 40% solution is derived, and thinking in terms of Akerlof’s Lemons Model, you can be sure that only one type of mortgage would be offered: one with a value between zero and 40% of face value.1 Thus, if the government commits to purchase any mortgage, it would certain over-pay, and thus subsidize the worst cases, and if the government does not commit, then it is likely the mechanism would fail with few or any transactions. (The difficulty of valuing the mortgages does complicate matters as does their current book value.)
Why not try a private solution? Why not offer mortgage investment tax credits or permit immediate and accelerated amortization (depreciation) of the purchase price of those mortgages and mortgage-related securities for prospective buyers? Then set low tax rates for prospective realized cash flows.
We’re sure that many buyers have some valuation model, but likely (and justifiably) do not trust it. Giving a 30% — 40% tax break should provide them with an ample cushion to take a chance. How could such a plan be any worse than a government-administered plan, or a government-regulated, fixed-price one? (Remember the government’s success at other attempts at price controls: both supports and ceilings.)
By the way, folks who think this Thanksgiving week’s mini-rally signifies that the worst is over are likely to be sadly mistaken. We do hope that we’re wrong, but doubt it.
Nothing has solved the overwhelming problem that the markets do not trust the large financial intermediaries, and those banks do not trust each other. The mortgage crisis informed about the banks’ shortcomings; so, solving that mortgage crisis won’t cause anyone to believe that the bank’s judgment has improved – at least for quite some time. In that respect, Mr. Calomiris is quite right. Mr. Paulson has done nothing to help.
Thank god we live in a country that can withstand such epic mismanagement. What was the total $7.5 trillion?
(New readers can search the archives from the past several months to find many related articles.)
- We admit to making several simplifying assumptions, especially the fact that the standard Akerlof-adverse selection-market failure model is a single-period static model, and the real world tends to be multi-period (let’s hope so, at least). ↩
Should Citi Be Nationalized as a Warning to Others?
Note: We’ll likely expand and edit this post in the morning, but wanted to circulate the idea before bedtime.
We’re rather diligent – but not obsessed– about keeping up with financial new.1 We’ve heard many financial firms announce lay-offs and have read how at a few, like Goldman, senior managers have decided to forgo bonuses.
As we recall, most banks have announced withdrawals from subprime mortgage origination and loans, which seems like a wise move, but given the magnitude of their errors and mistakes, we’re very surprised that we haven’t read more about banks taking dramatic and drastic actions to limit risks and exposures.
We don’t mean hoarding cash and the knee-jerk reactions not to lend. We’re thinking more about their investing, trading, and structuring operations.
Maybe the banks are eliminating desks and floors, but they just aren’t talking about it, or maybe they have mentioned it, but we’ve missed it.
We’d certainly encourage financial firms to change their ways. In fact, while we’re close to Libertarian on many economic issues, we wrote on October 11, to Eliminate Proprietary Trading at Insured Institutions as a way to mitigate moral hazard and protect tax-payer interests. (Once they’re insured, it is no longer a free market, and there should be quid pro quo, not just subsidization.)
On September 24, in our post Could a “Bailout” Prolong the Financial Crisis?, we wrote:
So, if the government’s purchase of these thingies is approved, we would expect to see a continuation of the panicky behavior until the securities are actually transferred to the government because it is unlikely that anyone will know who has the worse ones so (means that) all remain suspect. (Also note that the most panicky firms might be ones who are projecting their portfolios onto others, and so might be the ones that other firms would like to avoid.)
Now that the TA is out of TARP, it seems that this week’s equity market performance, particularly among financial firms, supports our September 24th prediction above, i.e., the continuation of panicky behavior until actual transfers occur. We discussed related issues on October 7, in Even A Perfect Bailout Will Fail.
Or maybe they’re just taking a wait-and-see approach. That’s what we predicted in early October when we described the very high probability of failure of TARP.
Today’s Wall Street Journal reports that Citi Weighs Its Options, Including Firm’s Sale, and we wonder if it will survive the weekend.
As we argued in Bigger Is Not Necessarily Better way back in September, we see no reason to encourage mega-mergers and we based that argument on both moral hazard and systematization of idiosyncratic risk considerations.
So, as we argued in around October 10, we believe that It’s Time! to nationalize the worst offenders leaving no shareholders, except non-executive employees, with any ownership interests. We reiterated much of the same argument in a very long post from Wednesday: OMG, Mr. Paulson Agreed with Us Twice in One Week! (Yeah, we have a teenager.)
It seems that given its size of around $2,000,000,000,000, we taxpayers will be on the hook for Citi, anyways, so why not eliminate the middleman and provide any upside benefit to the true residual claimants?
In two recent posts, The Failure of Boards to Direct and When the Going Gets Tough…Quit, we’ve criticized the composition of Citigroup’s board because of their general lack of financial industry experience. (We’re sorry, but that seems unconscionable to us.)
We won’t repeat all of our arguments for nationalization, but the expropriation of Citigroup would certainly motivate other banks to act quickly and largely to mitigate risks and stabilize cash flows. (It would likely stop insurance companies and others from buying small banks or S&Ls in their beggarly attempts to become bank holding companies.)
By the way, for new readers, we’re not just for the nationalization of a few banks, we actually have a private solution for the mortgage crisis that involves providing the right tax incentives – like investment tax credits – to individuals, firms, and fund managers. (Read about it here: A Better Solution (than a government takeover).)
That solution to the mortgage crisis stills leaves the larger liquidity or confidence crisis for banks. That has arisen because the mortgage crisis has informed us (and others) that despite their pseudo-sophistication and the veneer of objectivity and science (almost), there is a very good chance that they don’t understand their environment or have reliable ways to value many of their products – despite their massive investments and activities for those purposes. In terms of an adverse selection problem, they’ve reveal themselves to be low types. (See last week’s Global Warming and the Mortgage Crisis for a discussion on that topic.)
So, as a nation, we should want (and attempt to motivate) the banks to act quickly and decisively (and with their private information) to get their accounts in order.
The benefits of TARP don’t seem to have provided the correct motivation to the banking firms to act to maintain their own liquidity and capital positions. We’d argue that this is an incentive problem and that if the benefit of the TARP “carrots” have been insufficient motivate socially-optimal behavior. So, perhaps a “stick,” like the threat of expropriation, induce clean-up. Moreover, it is seems that Citi will be ours anyway, so, why not give it a try on taxpayers’ terms rather than taxpayers’ backs?
- “Not obsessed” means we haven’t performed a thorough web search. ↩
