‘Incentives’ Category
College Tuition Subsidies and their Costs
Or, The High Cost of Subsidies
A few weeks ago there was an article in The Wall Street Journal, What’s a Degree Really Worth. In it the reporter Mary Pilon discussed the estimated difference in the average lifetime earnings between individuals with and without the college diplomas, and she mentioned a few problems – but only a few of the problems – with some of those calculations.
We don’t have much to say about those bad calculations other than the estimation methods aren’t very sophisticated. The one method involved multiplying some overall difference in average annual earnings by 40 years – the presumed length of one’s work career. Among other things, that simple product doesn’t include opportunity costs – e.g., wages lost while not working during time in college – or differences in growth rates of compensation through time or time-value-of-money considerations.
So, while we don’t have much to say about the central idea in the article, we do have (1) a comment about tuition inflation and (2) a related critique about college as white-collar, vo-tech training (and the implications of that).
- All things equal, government subsidies to consumers increase prices – in this case tuition – which can then spiral upwards.
- All things equal, higher tuition costs induce students to become more professionally-oriented, and that has several implications, including a de-emphasis of the liberal arts, and that permits anti-social and silly behavior and theories to persist in what has become the figurative backwater of the academy.
(1) Government Subsidies & Tuition Increases
In the article, Ms. Pilon briefly mentioned that average, annual, undergraduate tuition and fees at private colleges increased from $15,518 to $26,273 during the past ten years.
That 70% increase is twice as great as the change in consumer prices– of about 35% – and that’s nothing new. This table at http://www.finaid.org/savings/tuition-inflation.phtml shows that tuition inflation has been greater than general inflation for at least the past 50 years.
Hmm, now what other industry has shown percentage price increases greater than the rate of inflation for a long period of time? You know, that industry that comprises about 16% of GDP? Could it be health-care? Why, yes, it could – although to be precise, health-care inflation has been substantially less than tuition inflation.
So, is it a mere coincidence that two of the industries that have historically been the most-subsidized in the U.S.A. are also two industries with very large and sustained price increases over a long period of time? We don’t think so.
Here is an example of how subsidies increase prices.
We recently had a conversation with the parent of a high school senior. He told us that he had budgeted a certain amount for his child’s tuition next year; let’s say it was $7,500.
Any tuition cost above that amount would have to be funded with grants, loans, work-study programs, and scholarships.
By the way, the reader should think of scholarships from colleges as nothing more than discounts from list prices. Often, they are awarded based upon merit and are called academic scholarships, but that’s not always the case. Colleges have much more pricing flexibility than most parents know, and for whatever arbitrary reason, college recruiters can consider some students more desirable than others and offer those prospects price concessions.1
Anyway, consider someone like our acquaintance who has $7,500 per year to spend on college. To keep it simple, assume no other sources of funds – no subsidized loans – except a possible federal grant of, say, $2,500.
Without the grant, the maximum that any college could get from the family is $7,500 per year. With the grant, the maximum is $10,000.
Without the Grant
Let’s consider our acquaintance as an average parent. If on average, families have up to $7,500 to pay for college expenses, then on average, colleges have to find ways to operate (as going concerns) with $7,500 per student. Actually, due to their ability to price discriminate, college would charge more and then have to offer scholarships to more students. That’s because stated tuition rates are nothing more than list prices, and one would expect the list price to be greater than $7,500. In that way, the colleges can find ways to charge higher prices to wealthier families with above-average budgets and offer discounts – err, we mean scholarships – to everyone else.
Regardless, colleges wouldn’t be able to get more than $7,500 from our average parent.
With the Grant
Now, it’s quite possible that an average parent could say to his college-bound child, “we had $7,500 to spend for college but luckily you have a grant for $2,500; so, we’ll only spend $5,000 of our own money, and your tuition budget remains the same: $7,500.” It’s possible, but it seems unlikely. Unless tuition is less than $10,000, we’d expect that families who commit $7,500 would be willing to spend that amount under many circumstances.
So, if the family spends anything above $5,000, then the college gets more than without grants. If parents commit their entire $7,500, then the college gets $10,000. That increases the incentive for the college to raise tuition to extract the entire amount available from the family. So, it seems reasonable to conclude that the tuition rates would be higher than they would be without subsidies. Clearly, the college would still try to get as much as possible from wealthier families (and from everyone else, too).
In those instances, where the family commits the entire $7,500, it is no better off, but the college certainly is.
However, it’s worse than that when the government “attempts to help make college affordable” over time. Imagine the first year after the government begins offering grants, if our thinking is correct, then one would expect colleges to increase tuitions. That means that the difference between tuition rates and parental budgets – say, a constant $7,500 – would grow. If that difference causes Congress and the President to offer larger grants, then we have the beginning of an inflation spiral. The families that continue to spend $7, 500 are no better off than without subsidies. The families that spend less benefit somewhat, but we’d expect that they would be in the minority. The colleges are definitely better-off (and fatter) and tax-payers are strictly worse-off (as usual).
From each family’s perspective, given that grant programs exist, then receiving a grant is obviously beneficial because it provides more flexibility and capacity to meet high tuition payments. However, collectively, if everyone – or enough students – receive grants, than no one is better-off because tuition demanded by the college is higher only because those grants are available, and the colleges get fatter.
(2) Speculation on High Tuition Costs, Career Training & their Unintended Implications
Or, Does Outrageously High Tuition Doom the Liberal Arts to a Ghetto of Anti-social Silliness?
Note up-front that like much of what we write this critique is rather speculative and requires several assumptions. Admittedly, we ignoring many important general economic and demographic factors, and we make several, very gross generalizations, but (obviously) we think our analysis is compelling nonetheless.
Note also that:
- From this site, one can see that government-provided financial aid began in the 1940s for veterans and was revised in the 1950s. It then expanded to segments of the general population in the 1960s and ‘70s and expanded beyond grants to include subsidized and guaranteed loans.
- From the link near the top of this post, the reader can notice that tuition inflation has outpaced general inflation for at least fifty years.
As we explained above, we think that the second point is an implication of the first. So, we’ll assume that such subsidies increase the cost of higher education. (It would be truly remarkable, would it not, if subsidies to families reduced tuition rates and made colleges more efficient than they otherwise would be – whether that subsidy is via a grant or a cheap, guaranteed loan. In many ways, the long-term phenomenon is no different than the early 21st century housing price bubble created by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac’s loose and subsidized credit standards.)
So, what could be the unintended consequences of very high tuition costs? We have two in mind, though the second one depends upon the first one.
College as White-Collar, Vo-tech Training
We think that it is possible to argue that higher college costs, along with the associated large sacrifices and borrowings by households and students, have induced many of them to take myopic, careerist approaches to higher education, e.g., “we’re spending a lot of money and borrowing a lot of money, so you better get a good job when you’re done.”
If that perspective is rampant and consumers of education over-emphasize career training, then college is not a place – or is less-of-a-place – where one can gain general knowledge and the ability to think clearly about a variety of problems and possibly – just possibly – a bit of wisdom. In fact, if that is the case, then college becomes little more than white-collar, vocational training that requires a few other required courses and electives.2
That’s not a new complaint and perhaps we’re just projecting our own youthful motivations and experiences as an undergrad and MBA student – so we imagine that everyone is as money-hungry as we were – but there does seem to be a terrible emphasis on how “useful” a course will be, where “useful” is usually defined as something related to some task that one hopes to perform for some prospective employer.
Unfortunately, (1) the uneducated – i.e., students – by the nature of their ignorance are usually not in good positions to determine what’s useful or not (or what should be taught or not), and (2) “relevant” or “practical” white-collar vocational training often reverts to a kind of monkey-see, monkey-do mimicry.
Such thoughtless mimicry isn’t necessarily optimal for students, their prospective employers, or society. For example, consider the very bad financial modeling that helped cause the worldwide financial crisis in 2008. Many colleges taught – and continue to teach – techniques and algorithms that were in use, but weren’t/aren’t particularly useful (or appropriate). So, rather than emphasize strengths and weaknesses of different techniques and abstractions, the emphasis was on teaching techniques because that’s what students and employers wanted – but not necessarily what society needed (or needs): yet another form of myopia.
So, readers sympathetic to our position may readily accept our supposition. For those unpersuaded we have a question: of every former, current, and prospective college student (and their family) that you know, how many have mentioned a reason other than salaries or careers as their reason to attending college? Be honest and consider the percentages.
Note that all things equal, given the fixed number of credits that need to be earned to graduate, an over-emphasis on supposedly “practical” career training almost always means an under-emphasis on other courses that could increase general knowledge and help develop thinking skills as well as (perhaps) help students acquire a bit of wisdom.3
And what are the costs of that careerist, vo-tech approach to college study? Many are well-known and frequently-made complaints about MBAs and engineers and other professionals: short-sighted, lack the ability to learn and adapt and synthesize, etc., but we don’t want to focus our attention on students who become employees. Instead, let’s consider what that careerist perspective does within colleges and universities.
First, we’ve already mentioned – or at least insinuated – it “dumbs-down” studies within particular fields, particularly in professional schools and for professional degrees where the focus is often on what’s done (or what’s to be done) rather than what is known (and unknown) about the world or a phenomenon.
The Irrelevancy of Liberal Arts
Second, the enhanced interest in supposed practical, job-oriented training has led to an under-emphasis on non-professional courses and areas of study. (You know, those required courses that enterprising students view as the collegiate chaff of the professional , vo-tech wheat that they seek.)
To us, that lack of interest and the view that such coursework is a “necessary evil” of getting a degree (and a job) means that (many) students take those courses less seriously and view participation as a cost minimization problem to solve, rather than as a value maximization problem. In others words, they presume such courses are worthless and attempt to find the easiest ways to satisfy requirements and other constraints (while attempting to maintain a high GPA, because, you know, “that’s what employers like to see”).
That has a number of implications, including a desire by professors to pander to students via the offering of silly and worthless courses, which, of course, turns the students’ initial perceptions into self-fulfilling prophecies and permits the such profs to (correctly) view most students as short-sighted, money-grubbers with no intellectual curiosity.
But those opposing negative opinions are not the only consequences of the bad equilibrium. Worse is that such indifference (by students and others, including employers) permits radicalized and poorly-trained faculty to flourish and hire others with similar tastes and predilections. They’re not challenged within the academy, because, frankly, other than a few critics on the right, nobody cares. (Did you hear JP Morgan is on campus today?) That’s true of administrations that emphasize careers, student amenities, and NCAA Division I sports teams.
In our mind, that’s why so much thoughtless, knee-jerk radicalism has thrived within (that portion) of academia since World War II.
Such radicalism and silly inquiries and teachings are come at quite a cost to society; however, we think that their effects are overstated, and, again, that’s because the vast majority of students are too busy seeking career training and summer internships. (Did you hear GE is on campus today?)
And, that’s the true tragedy. The high cost of college – partially to due government involvement – induces students to obsess about career factors, so they don’t get the education that they deserve. Well, they don’t get the education they could have received in a different realization of the world, and that education would include, well, an education, including extensive exposure to the classical, liberal arts.
P.S. Like many of our longer posts, we’ll likely edit the errors and typos and possibly expand our analysis as we think more about the issues.
Footnotes:
- In many ways, colleges aren’t that different than airlines and hotels and cellular telephone providers. They have huge fixed costs and when not at capacity (with the types of students they want) they are willing to accept the marginally-paying student, especially if that student is desirable on some other – possibly arbitrary – dimension. Also, there are many ways for universities to price discriminate, including early admissions and acceptances, e.g., if you’re willing to accept a early, non-negotiable admission offer, then for whatever reason – say, risk aversion, impatience or overwhelming desire to attend that school – you are less sensitive to prices than other students. ↩
- Specialized career training and enhancements to general analytical ability need not be mutually exclusive. However, it is very difficult to simultaneously provide vo-tech training and general knowledge while developing thinking skills. In fact, it is beyond the capacity of many professors. ↩
- One could think of those three missing elements as the traditional benefits of a classical, liberal education. ↩
Solving the Social Security Problem
Actually, a New Idea to Mitigate the Problem
Update: after publishing this post very late Sunday (or very early) Monday, we noticed the column, Toward a Different Fiscal Future, by Glen Hubbard. His essay is sub-titled, tax increases can’t plausibly address the coming entitlement crisis, and that fits very nicely with our proposed mitigation.
We admit that the title is a bit overstated, because we don’t know if any single and feasible idea can solve the bankruptcy problem; so, we’ll look to mitigate it a bit with a few long-term recommendations.
We’ve heard for years that Social Security and Medicare will go bankrupt within the next several decades. To the best of our memory – i.e., without searching the web – we recall reading that without further changes in laws, Social Security will become insolvent sometime between 2020 and 2040, or maybe it was a few years later.
Let’s take those projections as given because the exact year is far enough away that it doesn’t affect our proposed mitigation.
So, we ask: besides raising payroll taxes, which are already outrageously high, what other solutions exist?
Well, benefits could be cut, but any bill proposing such cuts would be unlikely to pass Congress.
That means that getting the greatest number of citizens working (and not collecting benefits) is the best way to stave-off bankruptcy. You may have already heard how when the program began in the 1930’s there were more than ten workers for every recipient and now that ratio has drastically shrunk (to something like four:one or three:one today).
Already, the age to collect full benefits has been pushed back from age 65 to 67 for those of us born after 1960. (Actually, it’s a graduated scale that you can see here.) All else equal, that forces older folks to continue working (and paying taxes) while delaying receipt of their checks.
We suspect that laws will be passed to further delay full-retirement age – for us and for those born after us. (We can’t imagine retiring anyway; so, those changes won’t affect us.) However, unless the full-retirement age is increased to 80-or-so (a completely wild-a** guess on our part) that extension alone won’t eliminate the problem.
So then the question becomes: once full-retirement age is maximized at an age greater than 67, say, at age 70, what other solutions exist?
Some folks call for more immigration as a way to increase the ratio of workers-to-recipients, but there are other ways to increase the size of the workforce without permitting an influx of newcomers. (By the way, our solution to illegal immigration–well, actually to what to do with illegal immigrants – would help with the social security problem, too.)
Now, the government could implement pro-family policies that, at the margin, would induce parents to have more children. (That can’t hurt, and we see no reason to wait until the USA is facing negative population growth – like Japan and certain countries in Europe now face – before implementing such policies.)
Without any calculating anything, we doubt that pro-baby policies would be sufficient to grow the nation out of the Social Security problem. (However, we do have a quick question: if the estimated 30 million or so aborted babies had been born since the early 1970’s, how many more workers would be available to support those currently receiving benefits and how much further-off could insolvency be put?)
So, what else can our society do?
If the supply of potential workers is fixed (or already maximized) and it’s not feasible to get them to work to an older age, then the only option left is to get them to…start working earlier.
We don’t mean permitting child labor as some other nations do. We do mean: (1) motivating parents to have their child(ren) start kindergarten at a younger age so that they can graduate from high school a year earlier. That would move the average starting age back closer to five than six, and means that many students would graduate an entire year earlier than they otherwise would have. That policy can be easily implemented by changing state laws, which can be “influenced” by federal laws and grants.
We also mean providing incentives to induce those in college (and graduate school) to begin their careers – or at least begin working full-time – at a younger age. There are several ways to do that. We’ll mention a few and probably add more through time.
One way would be to limit undergraduate loans and grants from the government to four consecutive years beginning the year of high school graduation (with similar types of restrictions for graduate schools).
Another would be to (a) induce more students to attend college part-time, especially for graduate school, and (b) simultaneously induce graduate schools to offer more degrees on a part-time basis. One way to do that would be to make tuition benefits for college and grad-school completely tax-free when paid by employers or completely tax-deductible when paid by workers (with earned income).
A third way to reduce the average time spent in college would be to provide more rigorous elementary and secondary educations so that students are better-prepared for college, and one way the federal government can (indirectly) do that is to make federal grants and loans for college – like academic scholarships – conditional upon test scores and/or grades.
A fourth way would be to provide a tax credit (or a permanent reduction in payroll tax rates) for citizens who enter the full-time workforce at a younger age.
The general idea is to get twenty-somethings in college to graduate and mature earlier than they do now so that they seek gainful employment at an earlier age and, therefore, begin paying taxes sooner. We don’t see how that is harmful to anyone. In fact, having them grow-up sooner seems beneficial to everyone.
P.S. Like many other topics that we write about for the first time, we’ll likely revise this post as we think more about it.
Good (Late) News from the SEC
We Missed It a Few Months Ago
On the front page of the The ‘Money & Investing’ section of today’s edition of The Wall Street Journal, there is an article entitled, At SEC a Scholar Who Saw It Coming.
The article is about Henry Hu, who manages the newly-formed Risk, Strategy and Financial Innovation division at the SEC.
Though he sounds like a good guy, we don’t know much about Mr. Hu, but that’s not why we’re writing. It also mentions that in November, Mr. Wu hired Richard Bookstaber to lead staff training and data analysis, and that is a good thing. (The print version incorrectly identifies him as David Bookstaber.)
If you haven’t heard of Mr. Bookstaber, he has much knowledge and much experience working at large trading firms and hedge funds. In fact, he takes “partial credit” for a few of the past crises, including the Crash of 1987.
Mr. Bookstaber is also the author of the 2007 book, A Demon of Our Own Design, which discusses those crises, his roles in them, as well as his approach to risk (and uncertainty) management. We highly recommend the book to anyone in the financial services industry and within particular roles in other industries, too. For example, we recently recommended it to the chief of security at a large, U.S. based, multinational that operates factories and plants throughout the world.
In the book, Mr. Bookstaber makes the excellent point that overly-rigid or overly-complex risk monitoring and safety systems can actually increase the probability of failure and the loss given failure and discusses it both within and outside of financial services. (Recently, we made similar points in our analysis of intelligence failures and bad information system design.)
Besides reading the book, we also encourage our readers to visit Mr. Bookstaber’s blog, especially to read his testimony before Congress – the links in the right-hand column). It is well-written and not overly-technical.
Regarding risk and uncertainty management, Mr. Bookstaber makes points similar to ours, with the main intersection being that not every crisis is predictable, but thoughtfulness and contingency analysis goes a long way to mitigating crises. In fact, preparing (rather) general responses to possible, specific crises can prepare one for completely unknown ones, too. (See our essay on uncertainty management and almost any of our posts categorized as uncertainty or risk. By the way, we really like our post with the tongue-in-cheek title, The Role for Survivalists and Depressives in Uncertainty Management, because we think that personality traits like skepticism and pessimism are under-weighted and under-valued in most risk management hiring process.)
The best that we can tell, we tend to place more emphasis on stress-testing and scenario analysis than he does, but that’s because we think that imagination, like skepticism, is under-estimated, too.
One topic where we do disagree is his insistence that everyone (that matters) understands the limitations of the use of normal distributions in risk measures like VaR (Value at Risk). To explain, 2e’ll try to be concise but thorough but will err on the side of brevity.
It is well-known – though not wholly-agreed-upon – that assuming normality (or log-normality) mis-specifies models of returns, and we think that many ‘quants’ do know that, but they use those assumptions nonetheless, and that’s for a few reasons:
- There is no other choice, or no other tractable choice.
- Depending upon the context, it may not matter much.
- Ease of calculation and effort. (This is different than (1).)
- As a way to reduce measures of risk characteristics.
- Ease of communication to others.
We are very sympathetic to the first two reasons, and being somewhat lazy, we are also sympathetic to the third. However, the fourth reason hints at cynicism and greed and, depending upon who is using the measure, it can be very destructive. Also, if such assumptions are used for opportunistic reasons, that can indicate the traditional weakness of risk management vis-a-vis revenue-generating departments.
The fifth reason hints that maybe – just maybe – not everyone understands the calculations and assumptions and their flaws.
We have dealt with very high-level managers at very large firms who are quite ignorant of the basic characteristics of normal distributions. To their credit, a few were quite willing to admit as much. (They are the least harmful of the bunch.) But given those experiences, it is difficult to believe that most board directors understand the arithmetic; so, it is difficult to accept that all senior managers (at such firms) understand the calculations; so, it is difficult to believe that all other managers, traders, salesmen, and investors are knowledgeable and well-informed. (And, boy, could we tell you stories!) The fact that, as Mr. Bookstaber points out in his testimony, such topics appear in textbooks is a non sequitur.
When one combines cynicism with miscommunication – whether purposeful or not – there’s a good chance that the organization is bearing more uncertainty and risk that it imagines or measures, and that’s not good. So, that fact that “everyone knows” something – even if it that something is true – doesn’t mean that it’s not abused. For example, pick any vice that every “knows” is wrong but folks do it anyway. The abuse of illegal drugs and obesity are two analogous examples. (Oh, by the way, government regulation doesn’t seem to help much there, either.)
Finally – almost – these last two issues hint at incentive problems – both moral hazard and adverse selection – that exist within firms, and we’ve written extensively about that, too, e.g., Incentives and the Financial Crisis and many more.
In sum, while we have never met Mr. Bookstaber and likely never will, we are encouraged to see the SEC hire such a knowledgeable and wise person. We wish him the best in his new role. (We only wish that we would have done so a few months earlier.)
The Volcker Rule: Obama’s Right…
…To Propose a Ban on Prop Trading at Insured Institutions
We applaud President Obama’s proposal to eliminate proprietary trading at insured institutions. In fact, long-time readers will recall that we first recommended a ban on this site on October 1, 2008 – near the height of the financial panic.
Our reasons are simple.
One can argue about the need for federal deposit insurance, but if such insurance exists, we see no reason that tax payers should subsidize risk-taking at insured institutions. If one wishes to benefit as a ward of the state, then with those benefits and subsidies come obligations and restrictions. That’s as much a moral and ethical argument as anything else, but there are compelling economic reasons, too.
Without restrictions the government’s guarantees exacerbate the quite serious moral hazard problems that already exist because the banks are limited-liability corporations. As it seems to currently stand, not only do bank shareholders not have to cover losses, but they get to retain some percentage stake in their firms despite bail-outs.1 Thus, banks shareholders have an even better call option than for most other corporate shareholders: all on the upside, none of the downside, and some or much of any future upside (after the downside).
As we have mentioned in the past, at the margin, there’s not much difference between certain types of customer trades, prop trades, or asset/liability management trades/tactics. So, all things equal, we’d expect that if firms want to maintain a high risk profile, a ban on prop trading would lead to higher risk characteristics in both their customer trading books and their bank asset-liability management/treasury functions (than currently reported).
In that vein, we prefer bank regulators to have a narrower focus on better-understood, more-standardized products than be forced to oversee the additional prop trading books, where it seems that (1) more innovation occurs and (2) rules are more difficult to interpret, which usually leads to (3) even more rules, interpretations, and uncertainty. In other words, all things equal, make the bank regulators’ jobs as easy and as well-understood as possible.
In addition, there seems to be no shortage of wealthy firms and individuals willing to invest in unregulated trading operations, i.e., hedge funds et. al. So, we see any such limitations on banks as boon to (most) hedge funds and traders – unless those funds are “picking-off” the banks.
We suspect most traders would be happier (and better-compensated) at unregulated firms; so, what’s not to like? [2.Alternatively, if we’re wrong on that count, customer-trading might become more competitive, which would be beneficial to bank customers. Also, such a ban doesn’t eliminate exposure to prop trading because many large banks provide prime brokerage services to hedge funds, etc. So, those banks would still be exposed to risks associated with the prop trading industry, i.e., they would still face credit risk that is a function of market-risk and can be very difficult to measure, but in some way those risks seem to be once-removed and different tools are available to mitigate them.]
We suspect that some commentators and analysts will complain that the proposal is government intrusion into markets and “free enterprise.” At best, such complaints are very silly. Banning prop trading at insured institutions isn’t intrusive. Deposit insurance (and other guarantees) intrude into markets. As we mentioned above, one can debate the efficacy of such programs, but if the government is offering insurance, it has every right to demand that its customers behave in particular ways. If the customers don’t want the restrictions then they need not buy the insurance. While our current system is far from free enterprise, there’s no reason it should be about “free” losses.
No wonder banks stocks declined yesterday. If there is a chance that massive losses will no longer be subsidized, then the implicit option in common equity is – justifiably – worth less.
- We’ve written a few times about the possible return of partnerships as a solution to excessive risk-taking – well, not a solution as much as a mitigation. ↩
Inefficient Bonus Schemes
The Outrage Makes Them Larger
Recently, much has been written about “Wall Street” bonuses. Almost all of those articles mention the same two things: (1) populist and government sentiment against the bonuses, and (2) the composition of the bonuses towards long-term, restricted stock and away from cash. At least some of the drive towards a more stock-heavy composition seems to be management’s attempt to appease the government and the public. In this post, we argue that such moves are needlessly costly, which means inefficient and larger than need be.1
In a previous post, Government Whining and Bailout Fees, we discussed the outrage and mentioned that citizens have a right to be angry – at the government. In this post, we analyze the reported composition of many of bonuses. In particular, we think the insistence on long-term, restricted stock grants is inefficient for several reasons that we discuss below.
However, before continuing, it is worth re-mentioning that much of the controversy could be eliminated by eliminating proprietary trading at insured institutions. As we have repeatedly written, we have nothing against proprietary trading or traders, but see no reason why we or other tax-payers should subsidize trading losses. Note, too, that there are other good reasons to eliminate such activities at insured institutions, including the fact that they diverts managerial attention away from (boring and mundane) everyday activities of running commercial banks. We know that at the margin, there’s not much of a difference between a bank’s treasury (asset-liability) management and certain kinds of prop trading, but we’d prefer that regulators keep a narrower focus. Finally, to get, in a single edition of The Wall Street Journal, Thomas Frank, Jonathan Macey, and James B. Stewart to agree with us is mind-boggling. It indicates the abject perversity of the status quo.
Now, having said that, we hope that everyone receiving the much-discussed bonuses get maximum enjoyment and satisfaction from them. We certainly don’t blame anyone for trying to maximum his or her compensation in an attempt to maximize their satisfaction, their family’s satisfaction and well-being, and their contribution to the less fortunate. The problem is that there are likely cheaper ways to provide the same level of satisfaction and reward.
Aside: note that for the remainder of this post, we’ll use the word “expected,” as in “expected compensation,” in a very loose, non-mathematical way. That’s because we are rather pedantic and like to emphasize the difference between uncertainty and risk. Like others, we define risk as measurable uncertainty, and that means that risk is a special type of uncertainty or unknowing can be (appropriately) described as a probability distribution. Not all probability distributions have means or expected values, and that seems to be the case in financial markets. So, trying to calculate one’s expected bonus as a function of market performance might not be technically feasible if the distribution of returns is unknown or its moments don’t exist.2
So what’s wrong with bonuses in the form of long-term, restricted stock?
Well, they are long-term so they defer consumption, they are restricted so they’re are expensive to convert into consumption, and they in sotck so they are risky (uncertain) because they are only very weakly tied to an individual’s performance.
Delayed Gratification:
Are there good reasons for long-term compensation schemes? Yes, there are.
When employees take actions or make decisions that have long-term implications, then signals from multiple periods can be used to infer whether the employee behaved appropriately – back when the the decision was made.
Generally, the use of multiple signals improves the precision of the inference, and that means that less risk is imposed on the employee.3 For risk-averse employees, that means a lower risk premium is required to ensure his or her participation, which means a smaller expected bonus is required.4 So, the key to rewarding long-term performance is classifying current period results into the time periods when decisions were made so that one can make better inferences about the decisions made in a prior period. It’s not as easy as it sound, but it is possible to do.
So, yes, most traders that make long-term bets should be rewarded on long-term performance, and features like claw backs should be used, but in the specific way that we wrote about in Clawbacks: the Good, the Bad, and the Ugly and Incentives at UBS and in General.
However, requiring someone to wait five years to receive stock in a mega-corporation is not the same thing. That’s because:
- Five years is arbitrary, and may have little to do with the length of the employee’s investment decision. Moreover, it is a long-time to wait for a pay-off.
- If we’ve learned nothing else during the past few years, we have learned that, in general, share prices are very volatile, which means that employees who must wait five years for their reward must bear a substantial amount of risk.
- Other than possibly a few senior executives, no single employee has very much anticipated or expected influence on share price in five years. Ex post they may have, but not ex ante.
So, it seems reasonable to conclude that impatient, risk-averse employees would substantially discount the expected value of such stock grants.5 That means that all things equal, it means that if they can, employees will demand larger bonus grants to compensate for the delayed gratification and the risk.
Restrictive:
We imagine that the only people who prefer that bonuses be in the form of restricted stock are folks who aren’t getting them and the envious types: please see The Children who Have Eaten their Cake…
Usually, there are ways to borrow against such grants and/or hedge the value of such grants, but not all firms permit such actions. Moreover, they’re not cheap and they can be time-consuming.
That means that employees will bear costs of converting the awards to nearer-term consumption and, if possible, will demand larger bonuses to cover those costs.
Risky and Uninformative:
For some reason,many folks (and politicians) believe that when employees own shares, including restricted stock, incentives are somehow magically aligned – kind of like Lucky Charms.
However, except for possibly a small handful of very senior managers, that’s very silly. Consider that Bank of America has nearly 300,000 employees, CitiGroup has about the same, and even smaller firms like Goldman Sachs have more than 30,000. So, the effect of any single employee is usually very small. (Moreover, the predicted effect is usually very small. In fact, when it is large, it is often due to the firm’s franchise and reputation and not that particular person’s actions.)
Do note that attempting to link the effects of a particular action, decision, investment or trade to share price today or any point in the future is extremely difficult. (Maybe not in finance class, but it is in real life.)
Just as importantly, and as we mentioned above, even if it can be done (in expectation) the firm’s stock price is a particularly noisy measure of a particularly person’s performance. So, it’s quite possible to conclude that employees will ignore the implication of their decision of share prices, which is completely rational, and do what’s best for themselves. That very much reminds us of that quote of Huckleberry Finn that we always used when we taught: “Well, then, says I, what’s the use you learning to do right when it’s troublesome to do right and ain’t no trouble to do wrong, and the wages is just the same?”
For more on this general topic, we refer interested readers to our essay in the Fallacies section of the web site: One Performance Measure to Rule Them All.
For more on this topic as it pertains to trading, we encourage visitors to read the last half of the above-mentioned, The Children who Have Eaten their Cake…
In sum, we argue that (1) the long-term nature that delays consumption, (2) the restricted nature that is costly to bypass, and (3) risky nature further reduces the value (think in terms of expected utility or certainty equivalent) make such bonuses worth substantially less than their face value. If employees have any bargaining or negotiating power, firms will have to increase the stated value of the bonuses to satisfy them.
Those extra costs would be worth bearing if they aligned incentives, but unless you, dear reader, believes in magic, there is no reason to believe that any future actions by those employees will be coöperative in nature.
So, it seems that long-term, restricted stock awards are inefficient ways to motivate employees.
We’ll likely proofread this post and edit it in the near future.
P.S. Our New Year’s resolution is to write more about financial matters, the industry and the crisis than we did during last half of 2009. Last fall’s drought occurred for a variety of good reasons, but two related ones are worth mentioning: (1) while many of our posts tend to be long, we hate being repetitive, and in our mind there was little new to say, and (2) with little new to say, we found many of the events and proceeding to be quite boring. For writing blog posts, “boring” means too many references to old material – like above – but we’ll try to write more in 2010.
Copyright © 2010 Spero Consulting
Footnotes:
- More precisely, “inefficient” means either: (1) with a different compensation mix, the same “expected” pay levels could provide employees with a greater level of expected satisfaction or (2) employees could receive the same level of expected satisfaction with a different, cheaper mix. We focus on the latter, here. ↩
- We’ve written a lot about it in the past few years. ↩
- A formal analysis can show that there are other cases where, for example, results are perfectly serially-correlated when nothing is learned by observing a sequence of cash flows or returns. The first return tells it all. ↩
- We’re making lots of implicit assumptions, here. ↩
- We’re not using “impatient” pejoratively. ↩
Government Whining and Bailout Fees
Given the past two days’ front page headlines in the The Wall Street Journal, it seems that banks are doing a lot of bracing. Monday’s headline announced that Banks Brace for Bonus Fury, and today’s headline announces that Banks Brace for Bailout Fee.
The first article notes of complaints by the public and government officials about bonuses paid for 2009 ‘results.’ The second article describes a likely attempt by federal officials to, in some sense, monetize those complaints by levying new fees onto banks. (Soon, we’ll soon publish a related post regarding the inefficiency of many of the bonus plans.)
There is something disturbing about large bonuses at several, if not all, of the firms that are frequently mentioned in the press. That’s because firms like B of A (and its subsidiary Merrill Lynch) and many others did not generate last year’s gains and profits on their own. They could not have generated those profits on their own. So, regardless of their repayment of the TARP funds, it doesn’t seem that all those profits should be theirs to use or distribute in whatever manner that they choose.
Thus, the public has a right to complain about the payment of the subsidized bonuses, but don’t blame the employees at the firms; instead, blame the government for not having thought through the implications of its guarantees and promises when it made the investments. It was another case of very short-term thinking by our elected and appointed officials.
To be sure, it is highly likely that many diligent and earnest workers performed well and earned their bonuses, but for many others, profits were recognized only because the federal government’s guarantee kept many of their firm viable and/or credit-worthy.
It wasn’t the preferred stock investment that kept the firms alive when their counter-parties and others had lost faith nor the subsequent increase of some silly capital ratio. You seen capitals ratio et. al., are non sequiturs during a liquidity crisis. If the firm doesn’t have cash and can’t raise it because no one will buy its holdings or invest in it, its can’t sell the capital ratio or use it for collateral.
It was the government’s guarantee to each firm that was deemed “too big to fail” that saved it one of them and allowed their trading partners to prosper.
Those guarantees made the government the de facto residual claimant despite its small, formal ownership stake (in preferred stock for the most part).1
The problem is that the government didn’t do a very good job of negotiating the terms of those guarantees.
At the time of the TARP investments and promises, our public servants panicked. They didn’t take the time to demand covenants and restrictions on the future use of funds nor did they charge an adequate fee for saving the institutions.2 As we wrote at the time, we thought the fees should include many rolling heads and the elimination of much common equity.
Given that, it’s a little bit ironic and quite a bit silly for government officials to complain about current compensation levels and 2009 bonuses. If the government wanted to do something about bonuses it should have restricted them when it injected the cash and guaranteed the firms’ survival.3 It shouldn’t whine now or attempt to apply retroactive fees although charging substantial fees for the continued subsidization is okay with us.
A long aside: at first glance, regular readers may regard our opinion as inconsistent with our support last summer for Andrew Hall in his dispute with Citigroup, but it’s not. See Prop Trading and Pay at Banks.
Our points then were:
- The government and regulators had no authority to abrogate contracts, including pay contracts. So, Citi should give him his due.
- Bankruptcy does provide the opportunity to renegotiate contracts, but the government wouldn’t let events run their course. Arbitrarily abrogating (or dishonoring) contracts is unconstitutional. More importantly, maintaining the discipline to uphold seemingly unpopular contracts is central to maintaining the Rule of Law. It distinguishes the U.S. from many other nations, and that collective self-restraint makes this a great (and generally predictable) nation.
- Mr. Hall and all other proprietary traders should find new, unregulated places of employment, where they can reap the rewards of their combined cleverness and efforts but also bear the risks of failure. (It seems to have worked-out well for him, and we suspect would work out better for most traders.) See our post Eliminate Proprietary Trading at Insured Institutions.
We presume that Mr. Hall and Phibro would have made those gains with or without Citi; so, the government saving Citigroup had little effect on his trading strategies. (Who knows? His gains may have been larger without Citi and with more capital.)
Why do we whine about about our public servants whining and trying to impose fees? Well for two reasons: (1) it’s annoying to her them complain about completely predictable behavior that they induced and (2) the current situation is no different than the situations that the government created at Fannie and Freddie when those two thingies were paying large bonuses for “performance” that was wholly-subsidized by the government. That created and/or exacerbated moral hazard problems then and will now, too.
In conclusion, note that we’re not resentful or envious of anyone getting a large bonus, and we hope that folks enjoy them, but we do blame the bureaucrats at the Treasury and the Fed for not considering this outcome in the fall of 2008 and early 2009. Furthermore, we don’t see the proposed application of an arbitrary, ex post tax as anything other than vindictiveness or the appeasement of the populist mob. Either motive should be beneath our federal officials.
Finally, note that we’ve complained about similar government actions in the past. For example, see The Children who Have Eaten their Cake… and Confiscatory, Abusive Taxation: It’s Alimentary and Dangerous.
- How to defines risk when one can print as much money as one “needs” is quite a different issue. ↩
- Of course, if the government wants to “save” a firm, it can. Whether it does it wisely is a different story. ↩
- We know that many of the guarantees were made by the Bush administration, but at least a few of the players are holdovers, and based upon the last year, we don’t think that the Obama administration would have behaved and differently had it been in power in the fall of 2008. ↩
Sad but True: Intelligence Failures & Bad Information Systems
“Those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it.”
—George Santayana
Preface: on Monday, we wrote Human Error (versus Systemic Failure), which supplemented our longer post from Sunday: Intelligence Failures and Bad Information System Design. Much of that ‘Human Error’ post was devoted to mentioning that within organizations, most failures, including human failures, are systemic failures. You can’t blame it on your subordinates!
In the Sunday post, we hypothesized and speculated that bad information system design could be the cause of the recent intelligence failures. We based those suppositions on our knowledge of information systems, common design flaws, and the dysfunctional nature of the federal bureaucracy but with no real or specific knowledge of the circumstances. We don’t work for the government, and we’re too lazy and too busy to investigate on our own, but we figured our hunches were correct (and were willing to stake our meager reputation on them).
So, in the Monday post, we used L. Gordon Crovitz’s column, Intelligence Is a Terrible Thing to Waste, which appeared in that day’s edition of The Wall Street Journal, to provide some anecdotal evidence to support our conjectures of the overly-centralized and overly-rigid nature of the systems.
We closed Monday’s post with: “Sad, but true.”
Unfortunately, an article in Friday’s edition of The Wall Street Journal, Years of Spotty Data-Sharing on Suspects, provides additional evidence to support much of the criticism that we levied on Sunday (based upon our speculation).
We write “unfortunately,” because this is one of those cases where we hate to be right, but read it (the article) and weep. Here are several items mentioned in the article and our comments.
President Obama ordered agencies to bolster information technology.
- It’s unlikely that the failures are about technology or inadequate budgets. Note, using open-source web apps, our database-driven site and e-mail costs less than $150 per year to operate. It is a state-of-the-art publishing system that could be easily used by departments and agencies to post (and categorize) qualitative information and leads. Those categories could include substantiated versus unsubstantiated claims.
- More likely it’s about system design. We’re not under-estimating the volume of data for some agencies, but we are questioning the need to centralize its storage and management. More on this below.
A previous integration attempt, appropriately called the Information Integration Program, failed.
- Is anyone surprised by that result?
- We suspect it is overly-rigid and centralized.
- We also suspect that if such an integration attempt were to ever succeed, it would be immediately obsolete–most likely because some such agency upgraded one of its databases, and it is no longer integrable.
Supposedly, another integration attempt won’t be complete for two years.
- Remember: the last attempt failed. So, why believe the two-year deadline?
- It likely involves many industrious and very hard-working consultants spinning around on the little hamster wheels and sweating profusely, but with no real chance of success. It would be a Greek Tragedy if it weren’t an American one.
- There are needs for large systems, but we suspect far fewer than presumed.
- The issue isn’t how to accumulate all information and data, it is how to access information as efficiently as possible. So, why should a middleman aggregate it when individual agencies could publish it and searchers (with proper clearance) could immediately find it.
Emphasis on connecting e-mail systems
- Please see our post, Inexpensive but Valuable Web-based MIS, especially the section, ‘E-mail as the Central Nervous System.’ No need to repeat the argument here, but e-mail is an inefficient management information system. Better and inexpensive substitutes exist.
- Communication should be about be about publishing facts, speculations, and opinions, and letting others search those posts or reports (and/or receive feeds of future ones).
- E-mail is archaic for these purposes. We ask, dear reader: do you know any one of our several e-mail addresses? Unless or are a friend or acquaintance, no, you don’t. Yet you can read our current and past speculations and be automatically informed of future ones.
- Why shouldn’t intelligence analysts, within their own communities, have the same capacities that you, dear reader, have throughout the worldwide community that is the web? Provided you live in a free, uncensored society, you have the capability at little or no cost. You can search for items of interest and read and evaluate them based upon your knowledge and perspective. You can think we’re a fool or not, but you can make that assessment yourself for your particular problem or need. Why shouldn’t analysts be able to do the same on their intranet?
National Intelligence Library permits searches of finished reports
- That’s good, but it’s not enough.
- How much subjective and unsubstantiated and unverified data are eliminated from those finished reports? Again, that’s the stuff of new leads and threat identifications.
- How long does it take for such reports to be “finished” and available for general consumption?
- If agencies or work groups had their own (secure, intranet) publishing platforms, why bother consolidating? Let potential users, with the right clearances, surf. Another way to ask: why bother consolidating when the consolidator cannot necessarily anticipate the needs of users? Also, each blog on the web has its own system of permissions for access to private and password-protected information. Has anyone investigated whether a central clearinghouse is more efficient than maintaining access to data at local levels. We don’t have many subscribers, but we know when we have new ones, and can grant various levels of permissions to them.
Problems searching unprocessed information, especially clearances
- See Sunday or Monday’s post.
- Regarding who has access to which databases, security clearances are a major issue for a variety of good reasons, but distinctions should be made between data about citizens and foreigners, and there is no reason to endow foreigners with our rights; so, information about foreigners should be more easily accessed.
Security clearances
- Obviously necessary, clearly a constraint. In fact, by definition, they are constraints on sharing.
- We don’t have an answer to this issue, but we do have questions: Is clearance a status-symbol? Should lower level investigators and analysts have greater access? What are the costs and benefits of greater access? How could leaks compromise various investigations? Obviously, records of visits, queries, etc, can be kept (just like we have at our site and most other web publishers have).
Terrorist Identities Datamart Environment
- We ask: who, other than a government (or corporate) bureaucrat (or parasitic consultant), could like that name? Seriously? Is it that crucial to create a word from the acronym?
- Does the mangling of English imply anything about the construction of the system? We wonder.
- It’s clearly a centralized system, and based upon the Crovitz column we mentioned above, it seems very difficult to get on the list. We suspect it is harder to get off of the list.
What would we do?
For certain standardized monitoring and detection systems, there is a clear need for large databases. These are similar to record-keeping systems for transactions and events, i.e., not much different than, say, keeping track of checking account transactions or purchases and returns at WalMart. In a world-wide endeavor like terrorist detection and monitoring, such systems need to be search-able web applications (on a private intranet). That very much reduces the need for consolidation into one ginormous database.
In fact, the web is nothing if not one, large, searchable database (made of millions of small ones). However, the consolidation and aggregation is inherent and organic, rather than commanded or centrally-planned. In fact, modern sites are database-driven, and a visit to a page is the call to an (actual) database. Every time a Google search is performed, the web surfer is running a query, and has access to some sites but not other, password-protected ones.
Moreover, the search engines have developed algorithms to present the results in particular ways, and they are incredibly good at it. (At least on those searches where we rank high.) That is where time and effort should be devoted – not in attempting to physically consolidate disparate databases.
In that respect, let the disparities grow so that each agency can best serve its own mission, yet produce and publish intranet-accessible reports and notes.
We’d imagine that many of investigations are ad hoc and involve a bit of serendipity. We would imagine that with slightly different missions, the agencies have slightly different data and information requirements and emphases and traditions and cultures. So, why try to centrally consolidate (and therefore homogenize) the unique systems that may have evolved for specific and good reasons.
However, small, idiosyncratic systems that comprise a security intranet, can be index-able and search-able – just like the web.
So, we say harness the power of existing web applications and technology to protect our nation. Allow investigators and analysts be entrepreneurial publishers of their idiosyncratic views, facts, and suppositions. (All private and all secure on an intranet.)
Let investigators and analysts publish their reports and speculations for themselves and other agencies, join forums, and converse with their colleagues – even anonymously. (We reiterate: all published securely and privately on a huge intranet, of course.) Let them use their intellects and training to behave entrepreneurially, not bureaucratically.)
Use central resources to develop search algorithms and security clearance/permissions applications that operate seamlessly in a secure environment. Integrate intelligently, not by consolidation, by query. User management and permissions are immensely important, but millions of sites have solved such problems. With a bit of guidance and in time, we think the government can, too.
Information: it’s like the economy (and wealth) stupid. Try to centralize it, and you’ll kill it and destroy the incentives to produce more. In that respect, see The Wall Street Journal’s Review & Outlook, ‘A Failure to Connect the Dots’, for more corroborating evidence and perspective.
We’ll likely edit this post in the morning. (We did, and will likely do so again.)
Government Takeovers and Ungraceful States
William McGurn has an excellent column in today’s edition of The Wall Street Journal. It is entitled, “My Big Fat Government Takeover.”
In the column, he decries those in favor of governmental solutions to all man’s ills, and he mentions that lack of humility of those like President Obama and his ilk, who believe that a few “smart” people with centralized power can solve the nation’s (and the world’s) problems. (Yet, they can’t prevent party-crashers to a state dinner. Good luck with that.)
We want to emphasize the hubris (and the misguided and misplaced faith in themselves) because it is the perfect message on this date, December 8, the Feast of the Immaculate Conception.
Whether knowingly, by coincidence or through the Grace of God, Mr. McGurn’s column relates well to the bible readings (and we’re sure to many of the homilies) on this Holy Day of Obligation for Catholics.
As many Catholics know – and all of them should know – today is the Feast of the Immaculate Conception, which celebrates Mary’s conception and perpetual state of grace. (A fair number of Catholics confuse the Immaculate Conception with the Annunciation, when Mary is visited by the Angel Gabriel, and learns (and accepts) that she is to be the mother of our Lord. That’s partly their fault for not paying attention and partly because the Gospel reading for today is, in fact, the Annunciation.)
The first reading, from the Book of Genesis, recounts Man’s Fall from Grace, while Luke’s Gospel of the Annunciation gives the Angel Gabriel’s greeting, “Hail, full of Grace! The Lord is with you.”
The failure to consider and appreciate that distinction between her grace and the Fallen Nature of every other person is why big-government solutions always fails – either in the short-term due to bureaucratic ineptitude or in the long-term due to totalitarianism (or both). In the extreme cases of totalitarianism, when the government attempts to get rid of the imperfect true-believers in it, there is no shortage of imperfect folks to eliminate. That, of course, is the impetus for the gulags and the killing fields.
Because we attended this morning’s Mass for the parish school’s children, our excellent new Parochial Vicar – who recently replaced our excellent and transferred Parochial Vicar and friend, Fr. Sean – tried to emphasize that distinction between the grace of Mary and everyone is the Church– and the world, for that matter.
He asked the students three questions: (1) How many of you always listen to your parents and do as they ask? (2) How many of you always listen to your teachers and do as they ask? And (3) How many of you always listen to God and do as he asks?
Either out of (1) hubris or (2) incorrectly anticipating the answers that he sought or (3) considering which of Santa’ lists they hoped to be on so very near to Christmas, many of the younger children answered affirmatively to all three questions.
Our priest then asked similar questions to the parents and other adults present, and no hands were raised. In fact, like every other priest that we know, he admitted to being a sinner and noted that he could not raise his hand for any of the questions.
That’s makes us wonder why those seeking centralized solutions would (likely) answer in concert with first-graders in the pews rather than with the adults?
By itself, there’s no problem thinking that you’re better than others. In many situations, a healthy self-confidence in one’s God-given abilities is often a necessary condition for success.
The problem is that much of the empirical evidence one observes about oneself often doesn’t support that hypothesis.
So rather than internalizing those flaws, an easier way to maintain the distinction or mirage of superiority is to demonize others and attribute the basest of motives and behaviors to them. In other words, immediately believe the worst that you hear about them, while maintaining skepticism when you’re told good things about them.
A friend of ours mentioned that prior to serving as the head of a rather contentious organization, he would often view those with opposing viewpoints as being either evil or stupid or both. After being lobbied by both sides of various issues for a few years, he realized that folks can have different opinions and perspectives and objectives without necessarily being evil or stupid. (We joke that those who disagree with us need not be evil or stupid, they may simply be ignorant and not know any better.)
In that regard, we would hope that both the faithful and non-believers could agree with the first phrase of Alexander Pope’s famous quote: “To err is human…”
And, like Mr. McGurn, we would hope that individuals with responsibility for various social, political, and economics organizations would take their own flaws and the flaws of others into consideration when designing institutions and policies for those institutions. After all, that type of organizational and managerial control is one of our specialties at Spero Consulting.
We Repeat Our Solution to Eliminate the Federal Bureaucracy
Last night, we caught a glimpse of one of the evening talk shows where someone complained to the host that no Senator or Congressman has the time to read and understand proposed amendments and bills that are often longer than one thousand pages.
It’s a valid complaint, and reminded us to write a second time about our proposed solution to bureaucracy. We first wrote about it last December 24, but it turns out that interest and readership isn’t very heavy on Christmas Eve. (Hey, we write when we can.)
The complaint about long bill length and short deliberation time isn’t new, but it seems to have been made more frequently during the past few weeks and months when massive changes (government interventions) have been proposed. In particular, Republicans legislators (and citizens, too) have demanded additional time to read the details and intricacies of bills that they are expected to vote on involving topics like health care and the environment. Many of the Tea Party and Town Hall protests during this past summer arose because of this rush-to-passage.
We are completely sympathetic to their complaints. Our motto–thought before calculation–and our Hippocratic mantra–first, do no harm–point to our cautious nature, but it’s really our utter disdain for the very damaging unintended consequences of big government that induce us to remind readers of our solution to government bureaucracy.
We first wrote about it here: Our Solution to Federal Government Bureaucracy.
We realize that unless the federal government suffers a deeper crisis, there is little hope that our idea will be implemented. That’s because our solution is draconian and would destroy the legislative bureaucracy that has arisen and grown during that past several decades. For example, the budget to operate Congress is over $4.4 billion per year, and more than 20,000 folks work are employed in various legislative offices. Senators have budgets of several million dollars apiece.
That being said, we think our solution would be far more effective than term limits and requires no change in anything other than the federal budget. It would have the immediate effect of eliminating the legislative bureaucracy and would seriously cripple the lobbying industry that many citizens on both ends of the political spectrum dislike. More importantly, it would have the long-term effect of reducing executive branch bureaucracy because Congressmen and committees could no longer delegate oversight to staff workers; so, they would have to be more thoughtful when writing and passing bills.
Limit legislative staffs to three people. (If we were a government or corporate bureaucrat, we would have written three “FTEs” for “full-time equivalents.”) In a fit a generosity, we’ll permit large committees to have one secretary but no other employees.
We recommend two office workers in D.C. and one worker in a single home office, and we don’t distinguish between representatives and senators. That seems about right to us.
The job would be much less glamorous and regal, and at the margin that might reduce the number of dbs that run for office. Moreover, legislators would actually seem like the public servants they are supposed to be.
More importantly, legislators could no longer rely on staff members to prepare reports and write speeches and tell them what to say. They would have to “do their own homework” so-to-speak, and at the margin, that means that they would either: (1) have to be better students or (2) be more poignantly exposed as ignoramuses or (3) learn to speak less. In our mind, those are all positive outcomes.
Overall, we see no way that 1,000 page bills could be proposed with small legislative staffs, and in our mind, that is a very good thing (and that would greatly reduce the size of the executive branch.)
For those who think that executive branch bureaucracy would substitute for the eliminated legislative branch bureaucracy, we argue the opposite. Congress was willing to expand the executive branch provided it was able to expand its own oversight capabilities and retain its power. If that oversight were eliminated, we think Congress would starve the executive branch by substantially reducing the size of the government. That would be partly due to the fact that constituents could no longer be assured that they could get “their fair share” of the budget and more of them might then prefer to send fewer tax dollars to Washington.
Finally, there would be far fewer leaks and far fewer staff members and press secretaries with whom reporters could speak. That should reduce the number of reporters, and that doesn’t sound like a bad thing to us.
We will continue to think about the issue and will likely update this post during the next several days, but wouldn’t it be lovely if next year candidates for the 435 house seats and 33-or-so senate seats were forced to take a pledge about limiting staff size?
By the way, the U.S. Constitution and the 27 Amendments combined consume less than 20 pages (at 12 point, Times Roman, left-justified, with decent margins in OpenOffice Writer).
Your Government (not) at Work
The “Czars” Are Proof It’s Broken
We have to admit that we never heard of Van Jones before last week. Now that we’ve heard about him, it’s great to know that we’ll no longer be paying the salary of someone who believes that 9⁄11 was an “inside job,” but that’s not really why we’re writing.
As we understand it, the Obama administration has 33 “czars” who have not been subjected to any confirmation process. While it’s possible that many of the folks were offered “czar” positions rather than cabinet positions because they would not be able to withstand the scrutiny of confirmation hearings, let’s assume that Mr. Jones was a singular anomaly. In other words, let’s assume that the other 32-or-so “czars” would have breezed through the confirmation process. (Yeah, we know it’s a stretch, but let’s run with the supposition.)
In our mind, that indicates and even bigger problem: the federal government is unmanageable and does not work.
Why do we reach that conclusion?
From a quick search of the web, it seems that there are over 500 appointments that require confirmation, including the fifteen department secretaries.
So, why is it that the government needs 33 unconfirmed “czars” on top of those secretaries and millions of federal employees? Shouldn’t the fifteen secretaries and their minions of assistant secretaries and under secretaries and assistant, under secretaries be sufficient or does the system just not work?
So we ask: would a well-functioning system need 33 “czars” working outside the normal chain-of-command? What would you, dear reader, think if your firm – in an ad hoc manner – hired a few dozen very senior advisers to get things working, again? Wouldn’t you hope that your chief executive would attempt to reorganize and stream-line and eliminate the ineffective and inefficient departments and managers? Wouldn’t you hope that the CEO would replace – rather than just supplement – the dysfunctional units and departments? Why does that seem too much to ask of our public servants?
What do we get instead? Bigger government and more chiefs?
But they’ll be able to efficiently and effectively manage health care? Yeah, right.
Squalor and Health-care
Talkin’ ’bout the Older Generation
No, this isn’t about the low level of cleanliness in English hospitals although we have a post script about that.
It’s about an excellent editorial in the The Wall Street Journal, By Squalor Possessed, and what it has to do with Obama’s proposed health-care legislation. Unfortunately, it is only available as a PDF or in the paper edition because it is from the August 28, 1969, edition of The Wall Street Journal.
Yes, by the editorial’s title and date you should be able to tell it is about Woodstock, the concert. Do read it if you have the time.
We particularly like this two-sentence excerpt from three paragraphs of a speech that are quoted in the column.1 “It is not mawkish to love one’s country. The country, with all of its agony and all of its faults, is still the most generous and the most open society on earth.” (Compare those sentiments to those of our President, who on many recent occasions has felt compelled to ap0logize for our country. See our post Read It and Weep.)
The speaker of those lines, Lawrence Lee, then pleads for those old enough to be grown-up to, well, actually grow-up. “Ours (generation) is asking yours to be men rather than children, before some frightened tyrant with the aid of other frightened and ignorant men seeks to make all of us slaves in reaction to your irresponsibility.”
Well, it hasn’t played out exactly that way because – more often than not – it has been the government’s own social policies that have fostered and fed the irresponsibility. But, unfortunately, it’s not THAT different than where we stand today, and more importantly the end result may be exactly what Mr. Lee predicted if responsible citizens remain passive and reticent. Now is the time to remind your elected representatives and senators that they are public servants–your public servants–with heavy emphasis on the servant part.
Before continuing, however, let’s take a very short tour through a few of the irresponsibilities that we have observed?
- Too fat? Must be some fast food chain’s fault.
- Spilled hot coffee on yourself? Must have been the restaurant’s fault? The hot coffee is too hot.
- Don’t have health insurance? Can’t afford both insurance and smokes; can’t get free cigarettes from anyone, but can get many types of free health-care. Something has got to give, and, you know, nicotine is an addiction.
- Got a mortgage that can’t be paid unless the house doubles in value and you can sell? Blame the “greedy” banks who funded the loan.
- Lost hundreds of billions of outrageous bets? Not the board’s or management’s fault. Everyone else was doing it.
- Spent thirty years and untold billions and can’t design an automobile that customers want? Not your fault. Those clever, bad foreigners have better stuff, you deserve a “do-over.”
- Can’t behave. It’s not a lack of discipline. It must be some disease! It’s not your fault.
- Can’t grow crops efficiently. Don’t worry, here’s some cash.
- Driving while drunk? It’s the bartenders fault.
- Can’t run Medicare and Medicaid or prevent billions in fraud? Blame the “greedy, misanthropic” insurance companies, drug companies, for-profit hospitals, charitable hospitals, and physicians.
Ad nauseum – until we are left with our nearly infantilized and sissified culture.2
It is not a frightened tyrant and his minions that seek to control more of the economy and more of our lives.3
Instead, they are seemingly benevolent (though still quite ignorant) men and women who want to exercise control over another sixth of the economy – mainly because so many of our fellow citizens don’t seem to be able to handle the responsibility of their own lives.4
If one listens to Mr. Obama and his supporters, the solution to “the health-care problem” is nearly free and costless. Better care, lower costs. What’s not to like?5
Why, to listen to them you would think that their plan is pure arbitrage. The government will exploit “market” inefficiencies caused by the “demonic” insurance companies, the “greedy” drug companies, the “inefficient” hospitals, and the “parasitic, self-serving” physicians who rip healthy tonsils from the throats of children all for a few more dollars. Once they are tamed and controlled, centralized bureaucrats will solve the problem better than decentralized, self-motivated individuals. Good grief! ((See Like the State Liquor Stores? You’ll Love Obama’s Healthcare! and When Duplication of Effort Saves Money, which is subtitled, “The High Cost of Centralization at the Defense Department,” for similar notions. If you live in states without liquor control boards, think of the DMV.)
Yes, it’s possible that Mr. Lee’s feared dystopia could still come to pass, but we are encouraged by the reactions of our fellow citizens at the various town-hall meetings during the past few weeks. The strong, silent types are losing their reticence. (See We Like Her, but She Is Wrong and The Cost of Insularity for related posts.)
Moreover, as we have written before, we suspect that Obama’s four years – like Carter’s – will prove to be an excellent incubation period for the next generation of conservatives. (We wrote about that on July 1st in Prohibition, “Black Liquor,” and Freedom. See the last half.)
Wouldn’t it be cool, man, if that generation and the Woodstock generation matured at the same time? Otherwise, “turn on, tune in, drop out” may refer to some type of government-mandated euthanasia just about the time that the health-care-related deficits explode, and the oldest boomers reach advanced old age.
P.S. Regarding the English hospitals mentioned in the very first line, we recently had a conversation with a man who had retired from the British military and was in the States visiting relatives. He complained that the unsanitary conditions and high infection rates in Great Britain were caused by illegal immigrants performing the janitorial tasks. We doubted that hypothesis, because we doubt that there are proportionally fewer illegals performing that work in the USA. Moreover, we mentioned that if our supposition were correct, then the difference likely related to managerial control and incentive issues and the general superiority of private solutions to government-imposed ones.
Footnotes:
- Those paragraphs were taken by the Journal from National Review; so, we guess this is fourth-hand and forty years later, but it is still true. ↩
- Though still not as bad as Europe. Thank God! ↩
- Although last Autumn during the darkest days of the financial crisis, it didn’t seem that different than a frightened administration and Congress trying to spend away the problem. Remember the savior, TARP? ↩
- And, you can blame that on the utter failure of many, very expensive public school systems. ↩
- And we put “the health-care problem” in scare quotes because those without insurance must be divided between those (1) without care and (2) those with access to care, and they must also be divided between (a) those who choose to forego insurance and (b) those who cannot afford to obtain it. We have no problem providing (and paying) for charitable care for those who do not have access to care and cannot afford it, but we thought that we already were paying via Medicare and Medicaid and CHIPs. So what are we missing? ↩
Healthcare Going to the Dogs?
With Obamacare, You May Wish it Were So
If you read The Wall Street Journal only at work and don’t work on Saturdays, then you may have missed a very excellent essay that appeared in Saturday’s edition: Man vs. Mutt. In it, Theodore Dalrymple, a.k.a. Anthony Daniels, compares Great Britain’s nationalized, human healthcare with its private veterinary care for dogs. It is well worth reading.
As you might guess, care for canines comes out on top.
Here are a few lines that we particularly like: “…for equality has the connotation not only of justice, but of hardship and suffering. And, as everyone knows, it is easier to spread hardship equally that to disseminate blessings equally.” And, “…I mean no disrespect to the proper function of government when I say that government control, especially when highly centralized, can sap the will even of highly motivated people to do their best.”
Mr. Dalrymple notes that even indigent dogs receive healthcare in Great Britain. We’ve often made a similar point about human healthcare in the USA. While not everyone has insurance, just about everyone who needs it and seeks it can find care.
Currently, we with insurance pay for those without it. With more government meddling, we’ll still pay for those without it, but we’ll also pay for legions of new government bureaucrats who do little of value, i.e, they “administer,” say, the 110,000 pages of Medicare regulations.
In fact, in our mind, paying for those bureaucrats leaves less money for actual care and that leads to rationing and less care for everyone, including the indigent. (By the way, how many of our “indigent” lack cell phones, cigarettes, and calories? Much of living is a matter of choice, including — or especially — obesity, which is far more prevalent among the indigent than the wealthy or middle-class.)
So, we ask: why is diminished care for all preferable to the current situation where insured tax-payers pay for the uninsured? (See Like the State Liquor Stores? You’ll Love Obama’s Healthcare! and When Duplication of Effort Saves Money, which is subtitled, “The High Cost of Centralization at the Defense Department,” for similar notions.)
One answer that we’ve received is that it is demeaning for the indigent to seek such charity, and those hurt feelings should be eliminated. We think that folks are a bit too sensitive, and while some may suffer from such embarrassment, per Mr. Dalrymple, why replace it with a system that is demeaning to everyone? Moreover, why replace it with a system that also provides inferior and delayed and expensive care to all?
Finally, as we asked in our defense department essay, why replace flawed, failing, and expensive centralized systems like Medicare and Medicaid, with (a lot) more of the same?
The Children Who Have Eaten Their Cake…
We hate it when one of our favorite quotes is used against us, but that is the nature of our queen and chairman. (Although she does it in a good-natured, light-hearted, and humorous way, there is steely resolve in her teasing words.)
Actually, she didn’t use the exact quote; instead, she updated it and made it more relevant to the situation at hand. That made it all the more painful. Her version with reference to today’s lunch, or shall we say the absence of lunch was: “The children who have eaten their Paninis are the natural enemies of the children who have their (left-over) pizza.”
That’s not very different than Jeremy Bentham’s original quote from 1844. “The children who have eaten their cake are the natural enemies of the children who have theirs.” In some sense, she just Italicized it.
By the way, we think Bentham’s one-line quote, and the surrounding text, which we show below, perfectly describes the pettiness and envy that is exemplified by the Congress’s behavior regarding the AIG bonuses in the Spring, the creation of the Obama administration’s silly “pay czar” position, and the recent publicity regarding Andrew Hall’s $100 million pay dispute with Citigroup. Envy and power – much like in the Russian Revolution and many other similar settings – are a terrible combination.
Very shortly we hope to publish our say on ways to resolve the dispute between Mr. Hall and Citigroup. It is a very interesting problem: like a three-person game of chicken. In fact, we were gathering our thoughts by the pool, when we decided to venture into the house for her left-over pizza. Unlike our government or the Bolsheviks, we had no chance to behave opportunistically.
However, rather than discussing Mr. Hall’s particularly problem, which involves the government’s (and possibly Citi’s) ex post opportunistic behavior, we’d prefer to mention a quite general and viable solution. It is so viable, that it is possible that trading firms have already implemented similar schemes, but we doubt it.
We have in mind very formal and objective sharing rules for daily trading gains and losses combined with other objective, long-term performance (and risk) measures. We think it would be worthwhile to have create individual trust accounts, administered by an independent third party, which settle each trading day to accumulate a trader’s share of his proprietary gains and losses. A simple linear contract that pays a percentage of gains and the same percentage of losses could work, but anything calculable and understandable would work, also. Each day, the account would settle – like any other daily settlement or clearinghouse agreement.
Note that nothing in the previous paragraph precludes such a contract from being long-term in nature, nor does such an arrangement necessarily permit the trader to withdraw the funds at will (although like many 401K plans, firms could permit traders to borrow against the accrued balances at some margin or haircut). Moreover, nothing mentioned above would preclude the use of clawbacks or other long-term features – as long as they are objective, and contractible in nature, and (therefore) administer-able by a third party.
The non-opportunistic administration of the trust by a third party is the key. It eliminates the possibly subjective, capricious, and arbitrary types of arrangements that we discussed in Clawbacks: the Good, the Bad, and the Ugly. (We also mentioned them in Incentives at UBS and in General and Risk Concentration, Concentrated Losses and Incentives and a host of other posts.)
We’ll likely write more in the future on this type of arrangement. In our mind, if senior managers of trading groups can’t specify the major provisions of such contracts, then they probably don’t understand what their traders are doing and probably shouldn’t be senior managers. So, if directors forced such arrangements into trading areas, there is a chance that overall management and control would be improved. (After writing that, we realize how hopelessly naïve it reads.)
Of course, the above suggestions apply only to proprietary trading, not for hedging or trading with customers. Also, because we – as a tax-payer – have absolutely no desire to subsidize prop traders – we get none of their gains – we think prop trading at insured institutions should be banned. Moreover, we certainly believe that the government has the right to limit pay at insured institutions, but those limitations should be known and specified before the contracts are signed, not afterwards as in the AIG executives’ cases or possibly in Mr. Hall’s case.
Finally, if you found this interesting, you may like these related analyses: Incentives and the Financial Crisis and Business Schools, Incentives, Uncertainty, and the Financial Crisis.
When Duplication of Effort Saves Money
The High Cost of Centralization at the Defense Department
Penny-wisdom and Pound-foolishness
A few weeks ago, we had a conversation with the CEO of a mid-sized organization who asked, “Why would I ever want my divisions to compete with one and other?”
It was posed as a rhetorical question, but when we finished the “short version” of our answer – about 30 minutes later – we were sure that he understood that, indeed, there are times when intra-organizational competition is a good idea – by good we mean value– or wealth– or welfare-maximizing. (Obviously, it’s not all of the time, but there are times, and that’s part of what this post is about.)
Like transfer pricing, such competition can – actually should – lead to disagreement and conflicts within the organization (and in many cases duplication of effort and a seeming waste of resourse), but such policies may still be optimal when they create cost-effective disciplining and control mechanisms. In other words, incurring marginally higher costs is beneficial if the costly activities generate greater marginal revenue or greater savings elsewhere.
What’s It Have to Do with the DoD?
Former Secretary of the Navy John Lehman had a very interesting essay in the July 18th edition of The Wall Street Journal: Wasteful Defense Spending Is a Clear and Present Danger. In the essay, he complained about cost overruns and the current, disgraceful state of the bloated Department of Defense bureaucracy. (But the government will manage health care efficiently, won’t it? Yeah, right.)
Based upon our reading of his essay, we think that the former secretary missed the main cause of the inefficiencies and escalated spending that he criticizes.1 Mr.Lehman mentioned a few problems and many symptoms but not the root cause of the exorbitant costs, which result from misguided and incompetent attempts at cost savings. Yes, the cost overruns result from poorly-conceived attempts at cost savings, especially what we see as the over-centralization of procurement. (Why, it is almost like one of those unintended consequences thingies that seems to surprise our elected officials every once and awhile, and that one occasionally hears about in the news.)
We’ll explain our reasoning below – this a very long post – but first we want to mention an aside related to fixed, sunk, and marginal costs, and that’s – what should be – the well-known distinction between average total costs and marginal costs. The distinction is quite well-understood – or should be by anyone whose taken an introductory microeconomics course and/or understands division at a fourth-grade level – but many folks, especially our public servants, still seem to get it wrong.
A Long Aside
Many, if not most, new defense programs – e.g., new types of fighters, bombers, ships – involve huge, upfront design costs that are fixed with respect to the number of units produced. Moreover, besides being fixed with respect to volume, they also sunk or already incurred by the time that production begins.
Now, for the moment we’re ignoring the production change orders that Mr. Lehman noted are problematic. However, excluding those ad hoc demands for change, once the design is finalized, actual manufacturing costs per unit tend to be set and are often a surprisingly small percentage of total costs.2
So, once the design is set, the marginal cost of each additional unit is relatively small.3 However, marginal production costs will depend upon on the quantities ordered and the timeliness of the order (so that production can be planned efficiently). One can think of this in terms of classic labor/capital cost-volume-profit analysis.
As we understand it, the marginal costs – if known by anyone in the Pentagon or the government – are rarely, if ever, divulged. If any per-unit cost is reported, it is usually a guess at the total average cost, which is the sum of the actual marginal cost and the average fixed cost (plus the permitted per-unit profit). The average fixed cost is simply total fixed costs divided by the number of units produced.
So, as planned output is cut and then possibly further reduced (due to, say, high average reported costs per unit) the average fixed cost and, therefore, the total cost per unit increases (at an increasing rate) with little true overall cost savings. We see that as the danger of not learning about fractions and division in the fourth grade, i.e., when the denominator decreases, the absolute value of the fraction increases.
Note: in competitive or semi-competitive markets, when a firm attempts to set prices based upon average total costs – and the firm is not the most efficient producer or doesn’t differentiate its products in a sufficiently appealing way – it may enable a downward (death) spiral of its own demand that eventually bankrupts it. (Anyone heard of GM?) That is, whenever the firm increases prices to “recover costs” fewer units are sold, and a smaller portion of fixed costs are covered by sales; so, average costs increase. Repeating the initial justification that the sales price must be high enough to cover fully-reported unit costs, the firm raises prices, even fewer units are demanded, average cost(s) increase, and the cycle repeats, ad infinitum or, more precisely, ad nauseum until it dies or is bailed-out.
We think that the above aside explains some of the higher unit costs and inflation that Mr. Lehman mentions, i.e., the application of a flawed heuristic or rule-of-thumb. However, we think that the main causes of the increase in costs and losses in efficiency result are more structural and relate to: (1) the relatively recent demand for increased centralization of procurement and (2) the coincident desire for (erstwhile) standardization within the Department of Defense.
When Standardization Isn’t Cheaper
We’ll address this second cause first because we think that the goal of platform and asset standardization is a component of and informs upon the larger costs associated with the over-centralization of procurement, but before continuing, it’s important to note that we’re being highly speculative in our conjectures and hypotheses, but that’s our nature and a large part of – what we see as – our ever-growing charm.
One would expect an economic – meaning an efficient – procurement program involving many assets and goods across many users would include both custom and standarized designs. By definition, a program that is biased either way – too little or too much standardization – would lead to higher costs for a given level of performance and/or worse performance for a given level of cost than could otherwise be obtained.
Two Ways to Standardize Designs
When attempting to design common or standardized products to suit a variety of users, we think there are two mian and opposing philosophies, which we’ll refer to as (1) the intersection approach and (2) the union approach.
- Intersection approach makes the item as simple as possible by providing only the shared functionalities among a set of potential customers and uses, like, say, a double-edged knife – one serrated and one not for everyone who wants both capabilities. This is approach is most likely to generate design and production saving – at the expense of reduced functionality.
- Union approach attempts to design the item to be all things to all users – kind of like a Swiss Army knife – that incorporates all of the various desired characteristics that various users may have been demanded.4 This approach is likely to have much higher design and manufacturing costs but produce more usefulness. However, it may also cause certain users to incur higher filed (usage) costs.
Both the intersection and the union approaches involve making trade-offs during the design stage. Obviously, those trade-offs involve both costs and functionality in the various fields of use. We’ll categorize the costs, including the opportunity costs, into five categories although we do understand that there are other equally valid ways to classify them, e.g., design, production, usage.
Five Costs Associated with Standardized Designs
There are many potential costs associated with uneconomical standardization:: (1) the increased time, effort, and cost of design (when, for example, contractors use the union approach an attempt to cram every service’s unique specifications into a single, finished product); (2) the increased care and cost of producing to tighter tolerances that is often required when products become more complex and complicated (sometimes more than they should be); (3) the costs of special requests and production changes because the compromised near-final product meets no single consumer’s unique needs; (4) compromised operation and higher overall operating costs because the final product may be more or less than required, especially when only specific, limited –but distinct – functionality is demanded; and (5) higher failure costs – both repair costs and failure-related costs. These costs need not be financial. The failure of equipment in battle can lead to loss of life and tactical or strategic defeat; so, we’d rather each service use safer rather than sorry designs.
1. Lengthy & Expensive Design Processes
Because the process involves at least one more step, determing common requests under the intersection approach would lead to more lengthy design times and more expensive processes than if each service acted and purchased in a completely autonomous manner.
However, these cost differentials would be substantially greater under the union approach. As more and varied (and possibly conflicting) specifications are demanded under the union approach, more design effort, time and cost are incurred. That is especially true if the desired specifications conflict with each other. For example, if the asset or good is supposed to be both light and strong – like a durable notebook computer or an easy-to-carry M4 carbine that is light but has a sufficiently thick and heavy barrel to withstand the intense heat of rapid and repeated fire. Obviously, that’s true within one service, but the issue is exacerbated – perhaps accelerated is a better word – when additional, conflicting specifications are demanded across users.
Under the union approach, not only are initial designs of more complex products more expensive to complete, but due to the inherent complexity and inter-relationships, revisions are, too. Unless there is complete modularity – like swapping out a computer’s SATA hard drive or a USB mouse or VGA monitor – revisions must consider those inter-relationships and effects on the other desired properties and functionalities as design characteristics are changed.5
Mr. Lehman notes that “there has been a loss of discipline and control over equipment requirements and a surge in gold-plating in all Pentagon programs.” We view this as an implication of the “union” approach of attempting to be all things to all armed services. With many conflicting requirements, the “gold-plating” occurs because it is often necessary to use state-of-the-art designs, materials, and production processes (to produce assets with many conflicting design requirements).
In sum, and very generally, one can think of (1) the time to complete a design and (2) the cost of both the design process and production to be increasing and convex functions of the number and stringency of different performance attributes and functionalities. Changes in technology would shift and rotate those relationships, but that’s a story for another day.)
2. Increased Care & Costs of Production
Under the union approach, for a given level of technology, satisfying multiple and conflicting requirements generally requires the producer to incur higher failure “prevention” costs, which are the upfront costs of increasing the probability of conforming output, and higher process monitoring costs, i.e., more careful and supervised production. Technological innovation, by upwardly shifting performance attributes and production functions, can mitigate these costs; however, per our point in (1) above, often the complexity of design does not permit such easy, implication-free substitutions.
It seems that much of the layered bureaucracy within defense contractors and the Department of Defense involves recording and certifying and auditing many of these quality-related process variables. Ironically, it is often in the name of increasing efficiencies and cost management. What a joke!
3. Costs of Special Requests & Design Modifications
Under either approach, when designing a “standardized product,” there seems to be a reasonable chance that no one will be completely satisfied with the final design trade-offs. Under the intersection approach, that’s because each user may be denied a unique and important functionality, whereas under the union approach, it is not necessarily feasible to produce a union of all demanded characteristic, or the inclusion of all demanded functionalities may require some users to bear higher costs than they otherwise would have done so.6 As such, the final design may be a proverbial jack-of-all-trades, but master of none.
So, one can easily imagine ad hoc demands for changed specifications during or immediately prior to the start of production runs for particularly branches of the service. For example, when a standard item’s paint is changed from Army green to Air Force blue, one can imagine the Air Force other changes to the item, and those requests increase production time and costs. Thus, the promised savings from standardized design and production are likely to be reduced if not eliminated.
We suspect that given the different services and the real differences in their needs, there is far less realized standardization than promised or initially hoped for under a “joint” or union approach. So rather than separate, duplicate, upfront designs, there are last-minute, duplicate, ad hoc designs. We’d argue that such ad hoc changes and designs are more expensive than planned ones.
In fact, Mr. Lehman mentions something about 75 change orders per week for (some set or subset) of defense contracts. We’re not sure what that number should be compared against or what historical levels were, but we’d hypothesize that many of those requests are adaptations of a supposedly standardized, joint design to the different demands of the Army, Navy, Marines, etc.
4. Compromised Use & Higher Operating Costs
Under the intersection approach, this compromised use would include the cumulative opportunity costs of each user not having the functionality that they desire (and need). Unfortunately, this is one area where the non-financial costs of compromised usage can be enormous. They include the tragic loss of sons and daughters, mothers and fathers, and brothers and sisters. They may also include the loss of tactical goals (battles) and strategic opbjectives (wars).
Those same costs can arise under the union approach, too. That design approach can create (the metaphorical) “too much baggage.” By providing functionality for one particular user in a shared design, it is possible to reduce it for another by overburdening them. For example, making something, say, rugged for one group may make it too heavy for another or making it light for one may make it too fragile for another.
Think of a firm that provides each employee with a nearly-indestructible, ruggedized, $4,000 laptops, with say, a 13-inch screen. Many employees would be better-served with desktop, a cheaper notebook, a tablet, a very cheap netbook, a handheld device, or simply a dumb cell phone. For example, we’d imagine that there are pilots in the military who are assigned planes that can’t fly slow enough to optimally perform their missions, and we’re sure that someone with military experience could provide more examples.
5. Higher Failure & Repair Costs
Related to compromized usage and higher operating costs are higher failure-related costs, including – but not limited – to repair costs.
All things equal, the Swiss Army approach of more complexity and more parts would generally lead to higher external (field) failure rates and higher repair and replacement costs. This is especially problematic when failure or one, otherwise extraneous or unnecessary component, prevents operation of the unit as a whole.
Often these higher costs induce those responsible for the asset to use it less than it should or could be used, e.g., think of the beautiful and expensive “good” china and crystal that sits in the cabinet rather than on the table when there are no guests.7
As with compromised functionality, besides the incurrence of higher financial costs, the occurrence of increased external failures and breakdowns (and possibly lengthy repair processes and durations) leaves the nation less prepared to defend itself and, most importantly, may expose our soldiers, sailors, and marines to unnecessary and lethal dangers.
Given these five potential cost categories, one should question whether the development of “joint” programs is either efficient or effective. We doubt it. In our mind, a proper accounting would show few cost savings, many delays, and many opportunities for errors, mistakes, and failures.
Under either approach, in our mind, unnecessary standardization is a symptom of the bigger problem: an uneconomical centralization.
The Failure of Centralized Procurement
Admittedly, it is difficult to compare the cost and waste of the current, rather centralized system with the costs (and benefits) under a more decentralized procurement structure because there is only one Pentagon, and we can’t observe the performance under the alternative structure. However, we argue that beyond too much standardization, too much centralization can lead to higher costs, reduced efficiency, and reduced effectiveness and performance in the field, and that is the current state of defense procurement in the USA.
Secretary Lehman – and others – provide evidence that the current, rather-centralized, process is broken. In our mind, no stronger evidence exists than the recently signed law that will add 20,000 more bureaucrats to “reform” defense acquisitions. Unfortunately, that will likely lead to an even more centralized structure.8 That mentality is very much like what we see with health care, where the failure of the Medicaid and Medicare to control costs has led to the call from some parties for more centralized resource allocation.
How to Think about the Problem
At the bottom ofOur Control Framework page, we list the possible benefits and costs of decentralization – i.e., delegation and autonomy – versus a more centralized structure.
The costs associated with autonomy relate to (1) selfishness and (2) ignorance, and include those associated with the duplication of effort. Such duplication can occur because one subordinate doesn’t know that another is performing the same activity (ignorance) or because one of the parties wants to “do it my way” (selfishness).
While such duplication may seem bad on the surface, eliminating it and the associated costs need not be optimal – in either the short-term or the long-term. That’s because eliminating the costs of decentralization usually destroys the associated benefits, too, and those benefits may be greater than the costs. Thus, the desire to eliminate government waste may be very myopic behavior and is not much different than firms that attempt to maximize profits on a quarter-for-quarter basis rather than their long-term value.9 Such “waste” may be a byproduct of the most efficient structure, but one wouldn’t know that if their response were nothing more than a thoughtless, knee-reaction to eliminate it.
We suspect that the demand for more centralized structures within the Defense Department arose from such reactions – reported incidents that showed such duplication and perceived “waste.” For example, someone may have observed that the Army was separately doing the same thing as the Navy was doing, and rhetorically asked, “why can’t we combine them?” and thus, operations were “stream-lined” before the rhetorical question could be intelligently answered.
Given that there is not a goal of profit-maximization at the Defense Department, we’d hope that its goal involves maximizing the nation’s defense capabilities – something like keeping our country and its citizens safe subject to various uncontrollable environmental and budgetary constraints. That’s a much more nebulous goal than mere profit maximization, and it makes studying (and managing) governments (and other types of not-for-profit organizations) more challenging than analyzing and managing firms. Regardless, one can still manage thoughtfully if one chooses, but our point is that the knee-jerk reactions of Congressmen and bureaucrats to consolidate programs and centrally administer them is no different than other myopic, inefficient, cost-minimizing behavior. In other words, trying to minimize a subset of costs need not maximize value, efficiency, effectiveness nor even minimize total costs. We think it requires a particularly high degree of (self) displicine to incur these costs because they related to others’ behavior. (See our essays, Common Managerial Mistakes in Decentralized Organizations and Strategic Consistency and Managerial Discipline for more on this topic.)
Again, per the marginal benefits of decentralization that are listed on the bottom of Our Control Framework page, it is easy to believe that:
1. Subordinates (on land, in the sea, and in the air) are better informed…
… about the circumstances and environments that they face or may face and about their own needs. Thus, they are better able to precisely specify the assets, goods, and materials that they need to accomplish their specific missions.
2. Subordinates have more expertise and knowledge…
…to procure what they need to adapt their capabilities to their current and prospective environments, including likely foes and locations. They have more expertise about how they fight and train and use the assets under consideration (and what would be optimal configurations of those assets).10
3. Subordinates can respond quicker and decide faster…
…than (a monolithic) centralized authorityor authorities like the um, er, the Pentagon and the DoD and the Congressional bureaucracy. The ingenuity and creativity that Americans so love, especially in their armed forces, is crushed by such processes. Thus, one sees it in the change orders and field (and battlefield) adaptations because they were given compromised assets and equipment – rather than specialized equipment. Why not permit (or induce) them to be ingenuous in the design phase to meet their particular needs – especially when their lives are at stake?
The elongated design times would likely be substantially reduced if the branches of the service were given more autonomy to purchase to their specific needs. It would take less time to accumulate demands and consider the trade-offs, and the compromise on those demands (across the services) would be eliminated. That could permit shorter asset life cycles and the earlier implementation of enhanced functionalities and technologies of later generation platforms.
4. Subordinates may be better motivated…
and may better understand the relationship of their actions to their organization’s goals and environment. Per Mr. Lehman’s essay, “there has been an obliteration of clear lines of authority for managing procurement programs.” In other words, your service’s piece is small, it’s not in your budget, the joint-platform has to be completed and won’t be discarded, and you can always try to change it later when they’re producing your units. So why bother fussing with controling the design time or costs? What can one person do anyway, and who can blame them freeloading?11
Can the reader imagine a bureacrat stepping up and taking responsibility for a project and its success? (TARP anyone?)
The branches of the service would also be better motivated to procure efficiently if they (a) faced stronger, inter-service competition for procurement budget dollars and (b) perhaps some types of deadlines, and that competition would control costs and the gold-plating Mr. Lehman mentions. The former, (a), is consistent with our observation that not all intra-organizational competition is bad, and (admittedly) the latter, (b), is something that we need to think more about. (In many ways, these elongated, decentralized design processes remind us of the eight-year-old hole in the ground in Lower Manhattan. Following a WSJ editorial on July 21, we wrote about it in The Right Comparison and the related Corporate Projects and D-Day.)
5. Information system costs may be lower…
…as less data collection and aggregation is necessary.
We realize that we’re being unrealistic in hoping that in the future, engineers at contractors may be permitted to account for their time in greater than six minute increments.12 Such policies are stupid (self-defeating), demoralizing, and dehumanizing, but we doubt that such regulations will be relaxed. However, in the context of this essay, less centralized data collection and aggregation means fewer parasitic bureaucrats who are aggregating already aggregated reports for no other purpose than to aggregate and bureaucratize. For that reason, alone, citizens should prefer a more decentralized approach to procurement.
The realization of many of these benefits would individually (and collectively) reduce the five costs of excess standardization that we mentioned above; however, they are broader and involve more than just standardization of particular assets and goods, i.e., the joint platforms as they involve overall costs savings and improved efficiency and effectiveness.
We’re not understating the difficulty of solving such a crucial, yet amorphous, problem, especially given the number competing and conflicting claimants – both within and outside of the government. We are simply arguing that centralization of resource allocation need not be optimal, and at the present time it is likely sub-optimal within the Department of Defense.
Finally, we see no reason to believe that the centralization of health care procurement will be any more effective than the failed centralization of defense procurement (and already failed healthcare programs). In neither case, should one expect that additional centralization will compensate for the wastes associated with excess centralization.
P.S. We’ll likely edit this in the near future to eliminate typos and add skipped words and improve the sentence structure of certain paragraphs.
Copyright © 2009 Spero Consulting.
Footnotes:
- If he gets it and was trying to communicate it, it is possible that poor editing has done him a disservice and obscured part of his message. ↩
- We think the proliferation of change orders is an artifact of our central thesis, and we’ll explain that below, too. ↩
- While it is unlikely to be true because of beneficial effects learning, we hold the marginal cost per unit to be constant. ↩
- We understand that the total functionality of the two cutlery examples is not the same, but the shared cutting functionality is not much different. ↩
- Although it didn’t lead to complete failure, here’s an example of what we have in mind. After landing on the moon, Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin were almost unable to exit the lunar module because their suits and backpacks were nearly too large to fit through the hatch. At some point, there was a break-down in communication between the suit design and LEM design teams. Clearly, as history shows, they were able to fit through, but it was an overlooked – and nearly very costly – aspect of the design. With the entire world watching, and it would have been quite embarrassing to have spent $25 — $30 billion and have two astronauts sitting in the LEM on the moon with no way to exit. ↩
- There is more on the latter below. ↩
- It’s an indirect way to tell your family that “you’re just not worth the risk of breaking the good stuff.” ↩
- Given the stereotypical behavior of such bureaucrats, which we buy in to, who but a clueless politician could think that adding 20,000 bureaucrats would save money or increase anything other than the friction and unpleasantness of doing business with the federal government? In fact, given their typical wealth-destroying actions, when they’re done with their mischief, we suspect that this massive hiring program will, in fact, increase unemployment. ↩
- Here’s another government example: mass transit projects in many, if not most, locations. Billions of dollars are spent and tremendous amounts of energy are expended to build structures and routes in hopes of eliminating the commutes of individual drivers and their duplication of effort. In many cases, the cost and energy savings are never realized (despite the good intentions). ↩
- Because we’re discussing long-term procurement projects, there isn’t as much distinction between (1) and (2) as there is in other situations and organizations. ↩
- What happens to the combined weight – or the average weight per person – that a group of individuals can pull as more folks are asked to pull? What does the dear reader think? ↩
- That’s the last we heard. There might be shorter increments today. Who know, maybe their keystrokes are recorded? Dear DoD: you’re paying their entire salary one way or another – either directly or through an intricate overhead allocation scheme. ↩
Prop Trading and Pay at Banks
There is an article in today’s edition of The Wall Street Journal that attempts to frame Citi’s pay “dilemma” with trader Andrew Hall of its Phibro unit as some type of Gordian Knot: Citi in $100 Million Pay Clash. It’s not.
It seems that Citicorp will legally owe Mr. Hall about $100 million for his compensation in 2009, but Citi’s senior managers are concerned about the political ramifications of paying such a large amount. The last time we checked, Citi had taken about $45,000,000,000 – yes, $45 billion – from wealthy, middle-class, and poor taxpayers, and those taxpayers had guaranteed losses of a few hundred billion more.
We suppose that folks at Citi are concerned that the Obama administration and the populists in Congress will attempt to penalize the firm – or possible incriminate the management – for making such large compensation payments. (Note: since at least the founding of the FDIC in 1933, Congress has had the legislative power to have ban such contracts, but has chosen not to do so.)
We’ve written a few times about the importance of the rule of law, and it’s quite shameful that many of our elected officials and representatives place such little value on it. (These are exactly the individuals that our Founding Fathers tried to protect against.) It’s almost as shameful as Mr. Obama stupidly inserting himself into the Gates/Cambridge Police mess; he does need to learn to shut-up.
We wrote about the AIG pay controversy in It Truly Is Disgraceful! and Confiscatory, Abusive Taxation: It’s Alimentary (and Dangerous), and we don’t see this emerging controversy as being any different.
That being said, we do believe that prop trading should be eliminated at insured institutions, including Citicorp, because we see no reason that taxpayers, including ourselves, should subsidize their risk-taking. We first recommended it in October in the aptly titled, Eliminate Proprietary Trading at Insured Institutions, and mentioned it many time since then, including our recent post, Paul Volcker Has It Right.
It seems that Mr. Hall earned his huge compensation award because he and his trading group gambled and won big. However, it was quite possible for him to have lost (and lost big). That would have increased the size of Citi’s losses and required additional taxpayer subsidization.
We don’t know Mr. Hall, but we do wish him every success in the world. We just have absolutely no desire to backstop him (and it’s not just his penchant for modern art).
We prefer that he work for a trading unit of a non-insured institution or run a hedge fund so that we don’t have to support him if he fails. In fact, a very short article in the Journal’s Heard on the Street section, Hedge Funds’ Proprietary Advantage, describes how many hedge funds are currently doing quite well (after many recent disasters last year). That’s the nature of the business. Let those willing to take the risks, reap the rewards AND bear the consequences of failure. (Is it too really much to ask?)
Perhaps Mr. Hall would like to purchase the Phibro unit from Citi and accept those same risks and rewards that other fund operators face. It seems that closing the sale before the end of the calendar year would (or could) be a grand outcome for both Mr. Hall and Citi. We think that banning prop trading at insured institutions as of January 1, 2010, would go a long way towards slicing through similar knotty situations at other banks.
One final note: in the tradition of horrendously-arranged government web sites, see the above-mentioned FDIC site. It’s ugly and busy and has no focus, and it’s just what we expect from our bureaucracy. Does the reader have any higher expectations? Be honest.
Corporate Projects and D-Day
In the previous post, we mentioned today’s brief editorial, The Right and Wrong Stuff, in The Wall Street Journal comparing the eight years of progress between the time of President Kennedy’s famous moon speech and the actual moon landing with the nearly eight years of very limited progress in construction at Ground Zero from 9⁄11 until today. The editors rightfully call the present circumstances a national disgrace.
We think that one of the reasons we like the comparison is that we’ve made similar ones in the past.
We’ve heard about many corporate projects and initiatives that through lack of will or direction or competence take far longer to accomplish (or merely end) than they should. When we’ve experienced those situations we’ve asked: (1) do you know that the Allies planned and launched D-Day in less time than it’s taken for to get this project moving, and (2) do you know that the U.S. and its allies defeated Germany and Japan in less time than this project has been alive?
Think about that the next time you waste away your day and life in a status meeting for an upcoming software conversion. (How many software revisions and generations has the conversion lasted.)
Senior managers may want to consider what mechanisms and policies they’ve enacted that makes such lacks of progress acceptable tactics. Oh, it’s not your fault because you’re not directly involved? Are you sure it’s not?
